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在我国科技创新发展需求及新时代基础教育强师计划的背景下,探讨了化学教学论学科面临的新使命:为培养师范生的创新意识和创新能力提供强有力的支撑,为基础化学教育培养学生的创新意识和创新能力提供强有力的引领和指导。分析了达成新使命所面临的新挑战:增进对化学学科内容的理解,提升化学专业对话的能力;融通化学教育、教育心理学、科学哲学等领域,明晰化学教育的理论基础;深度反思与融通国内外化学教育研究成果,明晰化学教学论学科的学术性及独特优势;融通化学教育研究与化学课堂教学实践,弥合二者之间的隔阂;加强化学教育研究成果与化学教师教育课程的整合;进一步提升化学教学论学科的外部认同等。 相似文献
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讨论了化学教育论文选题的来源,包括在化学教学设计的决策中选题;在化学教学实践的反思中选题;从化学实验教学中选题;从学生提出的问题中选题;在疑难问题的探究中选题。还谈及了化学教育论文写作中应注意的问题。 相似文献
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化学教学理论界对化学教学论的基础是什么的回答不深不透,已深度影响到化学教学论自身的建设。本文认为化学教学实践活动应是化学教学论的实践基础;普通教学论、教育心理学、教育社会学、教育传播学应是化学教学论的主要理论基础,而教育学原理是通过普通教学论对化学教学论发挥指导作用的。鉴此,理清了化学教学论与相关理论学科及化学教学实践活动的关系层次。提出化学教学论要以普通教学论、教育心理学、教育社会学、教育传播学的研究终点作为自己的研究起点,基于实存的化学教学实践活动构建化学教学论体系。 相似文献
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化学教学的主旨是通过教学把人类已有的化学科学知识变成学生自己的知识,并进一步转化为学生发现、探究和解决新问题的能力。要十分注重中学化学实验的教育功能,重视化学实验及化学实验教学的设计,以培养学生的化学实践能力和创新精神。新一轮课程改革要求在教学中强化实验的功能,改变以往实验只是起演示和辅助作用的状况;在学生探究实验中,必须注意激发学生的兴趣,注重培养学生的创新意识、实验能力、科学方法和合作精神。 相似文献
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在开放办学的背景下,以提高学生能力为导向,对化学类通识课程进行改革。采用开放教学方式,通过网络课程建设、组织学生进行社会实践,探究其中的化学问题,将理论教学与实践教学有机结合,培养学生对化学的兴趣和求知欲,让学生做学习的主人;通过探讨和解决具体问题,培养学生的创新实践能力和综合素质,以期融培养学生的化学素养与人文精神于一体,实现化学类通识教育与大学生创新意识及批判思维培养的有机结合。 相似文献
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从大学一年级化学教学活动中,可以看到目前中学化学教学的现状和存在的问题。在当前中学化学课程改革中,人们更多地关注课堂教学设计策略的改变,却忽略了中学化学基础知识教学中的科学性和方法论等问题,使中学化学教育与高等化学教育不能有效进行衔接。基于多年的大学化学教学经验阐释了如何改进传统的中学教材模式和教学方式,培养学生的创新精神和实践能力,以适应高等化学教育的要求。 相似文献
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胡志刚主编的《化学课程与教学论》(科学出版社2014年10月出版)以理论与实践、继承与创新相统一为原则,全面论述了新课程理念下化学教育教学的变革与创新.该书可作为高等院校化学专业学生的参考教材,也是化学教师和化学教学研究人员较为实用的一本工具书. 相似文献
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An experimental inorganic chemistry lecture introduces various techniques for generating certain surface properties, such as reflectivity, self‐cleaning, or resistance against corrosion and scratches. Starting with the works of 19th century chemist Justus von Liebig, the lecture spans a bridge to modern high performance materials. 相似文献
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The factors that contributed to Liebig's success in founding a research school at Giessen have been well known since the publication of Jack Morrell's seminal paper in 1972. Here the familiar Liebig-Giessen story is re-centred in a local geographical and historical context. Historical and political factors played a role in calling Liebig to Giessen and in ousting the existing chair holder, Zimmerman. Working in partnership with the government, Liebig's developed pharmacy teaching as part of the state's plan of modernization. Liebig's success necessarily led to the expansion of the laboratory after 1833. Comparisons with Buff's and Hundeshagen's attempts to do for physics and forestry what Liebig achieved in chemistry show that the encouragement of private enterprise was a key feature of the Hessen-Darmstadt government's strategy for the modernisation of the university. 相似文献
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In the light of the new requirements of emerging engineering education for talent cultivation, this paper firstly analyzes the difficulties and deficiencies in the construction of applied chemistry major in Qingdao Agricultural University. This paper also introduces the practice in adapting to the regional economy and society development and the needs of students' growth, innovating the talent training mode, optimizing the talent training program, reconstructing the curriculum system, and strongly promoting the education and teaching reform based on the project. A new idea is provided for constructing the application-oriented talent training mode of industry-university-research for local agricultural colleges and universities in the background of the emerging engineering education. 相似文献
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《Ambix》2013,60(2):112-132
AbstractOrganic chemistry began at the universities in the Habsburg Empire about 1840, when Josef Redtenbacher, a post-graduate student of Liebig in Giessen, established the first organic laboratory at Charles University, Prague. Following Liebig's teaching methods, he required laboratory work from his students. Redtenbacher's students then headed the new chemistry departments, which were established after the revolution of 1848. Several of Redtenbacher's students had also been trained as botanists and they focussed their research on phytochemical questions. Austrian chemists also contributed to theoretical organic chemistry. In 1853 Rochleder published a paper in which the quadrivalence of carbon was assumed. A more important contribution was made by Josef Loschmidt in 1861, when he published the graphical formulae of several hundred compounds. In contrast to the ideas of Gerhardt and Kekulé, Loschmidt assumed that the constitution of a compound can be deducted from its reactions. Loschmidt's work attracted little interest abroad and was only rediscovered many years later by Richard Anschütz. 相似文献
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《Ambix》2013,60(2):136-152
AbstractA large painting entitled The Country Meeting of the Royal Agricultural Society of England at Bristol 1842 is displayed in the council chamber of the Royal Agricultural Society of England at Stoneleigh Park. Among the over 130 people in the painting, we can recognise the figure of Justus Liebig. Liebig, whose famous book Organic Chemistry in its Application to Agriculture and Physiology had been published in English in 1840, and had come to be seen as an international symbol of scientific agriculture by 1842. The presence of Liebig would certainly have endorsed the reputation of the Society. However, documentary research shows that Liebig did not actually attend the annual meeting of the Society in Bristol. By whom, and with what intention, was he placed in the painting? This paper investigates some of the questions raised by this painting. 相似文献
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Gerd Meyer Prof. Dr. 《无机化学与普通化学杂志》2008,634(2):201-222
In Liebig's definition, an acid is a compound which contains one or more hydrogen atoms which may be substituted by metal atoms. Hence, reactions of Liebig acids in substance, excluding water or any other solvent, with non‐noble metals yield salts and release hydrogen. In this sense, not only the classical mineral acids such as sulfuric or nitric acid, respectively, are Liebig acids. Rather, there is a large variety of organic compounds with, for example, HO‐ or HN‐functions with acid constants that allow for substitution of the hydrogen atoms by a metal atom. Simple covalent hydrides like water and ammonia or even methane may also act as Liebig acids with conditions properly chosen. The ammonium ion, (NH4)+, represents a special case as it is available in a large variety of salts and may react as an acid/oxidant or as a (base)/reductant and is also a pseudo alkali‐metal cation. The versatility of the ammonium ion is reviewed with special emphasis to its ability to function as a Liebig acid, i.e., reactions of, especially, ammonium halides with non‐noble metals. 相似文献
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MacLean EJ Harris KD Kariuki BM Kitchin SJ Tykwinski RR Swainson IP Dunitz JD 《Journal of the American Chemical Society》2003,125(47):14449-14451
The transformation of ammonium cyanate into urea, first studied over 170 years ago by W?hler and Liebig, has an important place in the history of chemistry. To understand the nature of this solid state reaction, knowledge of the crystal structure of ammonium cyanate is a prerequisite. Employing neutron powder diffraction, we demonstrate conclusively that, in the structure of ammonium cyanate, the NH(4)(+) cation forms N-H...N hydrogen bonds to four cyanate N atoms at alternate corners of a distorted cube, rather than our previously proposed alternative arrangement with N-H...O hydrogen bonds to cyanate O atoms at the other four corners. 相似文献
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Curt Wentrup 《Angewandte Chemie (International ed. in English)》2020,59(22):8332-8342
Zeise's salt, KPt(C2H4)Cl3, was the first characterized organometallic compound; it was also the first olefin π‐complex. It was published in 1825–1830 in the middle of a fight between Dumas on the one hand and Berzelius and Liebig on the other, who defended the etherin (ethylene) and radical theories, respectively. Although Zeise's formulation as a compound containing ethylene was vindicated, the fight went on for many years. This was a time when the theories of organic chemistry were being developed, before any clear understanding of the nature of molecules, bonding, and structure. Zeise thought of the structure of his salt as a product of the addition of PtCl2 to ethylene. Jensen assumed a central bonding to ethylene but needed theoretical assistance to explain it. His attempt to obtain such an explanation from Hückel failed, and it was Dewar who explained the nature of π‐complexes in molecular orbital terms in 1951. 相似文献