Relation between voice-onset time and vowel duration.

As part of an investigation of the temporal implementation rules of English, measurements were made of voice-onset time for initial English stops and the duration of the following voiced vowel in monosyllabic words for New York City speakers. It was found that the VOT of a word-initial consonant was longer before a voiceless final cluster than before a single nasal, and longer before tense vowels than lax vowels. The vowels were also longer in environments where VOT was longer, but VOT did not maintain a constant ratio with the vowel duration, even for a single place of articulation. VOT was changed by a smaller proportion than the following voiced vowel in both cases. VOT changes associated with the vowel were consistent across place of articulation of the stop. In the final experiment, when vowel tensity and final consonant effects were combined, it was found that the proportion of vowel duration change that carried over to the preceding VOT is different for the two phonetic changes. These results imply that temporal implementation rules simultaneously influence several acoustic intervals including both VOT and the "inherent" interval corresponding to a segment, either by independent control of the relevant articulatory variables or by some unknown common mechanism.     

Fundamental frequency correlates of stop consonant voicing and vowel quality in the speech of preadolescent children

Fundamental frequency (F0) and voice onset time (VOT) were measured in utterances containing voiceless aspirated [ph, th, kh], voiceless unaspirated [sp, st, sk], and voiced [b, d, g] stop consonants produced in the context of [i, e, u, o, a] by 8- to 9-year-old subjects. The results revealed that VOT reliably differentiated voiceless aspirated from voiceless unaspirated and voiced stops, whereas F0 significantly contrasted voiced with voiceless aspirated and unaspirated stops, except for the first glottal period, where voiceless unaspirated stops contrasted with the other two categories. Fundamental frequency consistently differentiated vowel height in alveolar and velar stop consonant environments only. In comparing the results of these children and of adults, it was observed that the acoustic correlates of stop consonant voicing and vowel quality were different not only in absolute values, but also in terms of variability. Further analyses suggested that children were more variable in production due to inconsistency in achieving specific targets. The findings also suggest that, of the acoustic correlates of the voicing feature, the primary distinction of VOT is strongly developed by 8-9 years of age, whereas the secondary distinction of F0 is still in an emerging state.     

The cricothyroid muscle in voicing control

Initiation and maintenance of vibrations of the vocal folds require suitable conditions of adduction, longitudinal tension, and transglottal airflow. Thus manipulation of adduction/abduction, stiffening/slackening, or degree of transglottal flow may, in principle, be used to determine the voicing status of a speech segment. This study explores the control of voicing and voicelessness in speech with particular reference to the role of changes in the longitudinal tension of the vocal folds, as indicated by cricothyroid (CT) muscle activity. Electromyographic recordings were made from the CT muscle in two speakers of American English and one speaker of Dutch. The linguistic material consisted of reiterant speech made up of CV syllables where the consonants were voiced and voiceless stops, fricatives, and affricates. Comparison of CT activity associated with the voiced and voiceless consonants indicated a higher level for the voiceless consonants than for their voiced cognates. Measurements of the fundamental frequency (F0) at the beginning of a vowel following the consonant show the common pattern of higher F0 after voiceless consonants. For one subject, there was no difference in cricothyroid activity for voiced and voiceless affricates; in this case, the consonant-induced variations in the F0 of the following vowel were also less robust. Consideration of timing relationships between the EMG curves for voiced and voiceless consonants suggests that the differences most likely reflect control of vocal-fold tension for maintenance or suppression of phonatory vibrations. The same mechanism also seems to contribute to the well-known difference in F0 at the beginning of vowels following voiced and voiceless consonants.     

F1 structure provides information for final-consonant voicing

Previous research has shown that F1 offset frequencies are generally lower for vowels preceding voiced consonants than for vowels preceding voiceless consonants. Furthermore, it has been shown that listeners use these differences in offset frequency in making judgments about final-consonant voicing. A recent production study [W. Summers, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 82, 847-863 (1987)] reported that F1 frequency differences due to postvocalic voicing are not limited to the final transition or offset region of the preceding vowel. Vowels preceding voiced consonants showed lower F1 onset frequencies and lower F1 steady-state frequencies than vowels preceding voiceless consonants. The present study examined whether F1 frequency differences in the initial transition and steady-state regions of preceding vowels affect final-consonant voicing judgments in perception. The results suggest that F1 frequency differences in these early portions of preceding vowels do, in fact, influence listeners' judgments of postvocalic consonantal voicing.     

Sex differences in voice onset time: a developmental study of phonetic context effects in British English

Voice onset time (VOT) data for the plosives /p b t d k g/ in two vowel contexts (/i a/) for 5 groups of 46 boys and girls aged 5; 8 (5 years, 8 months) to 13;2 years were investigated to examine patterns of sex differences. Results indicated that there was some evidence of females displaying longer VOT values than the males. In addition, these were found to be most marked for the data of the 13;2-year olds. Furthermore, the sex differences in the VOT values displayed phonetic context effects. For example, the greatest sex differences were observed for the voiceless plosives, and within the context of the vowel /i/.     

Cue-specific effects of categorization training on the relative weighting of acoustic cues to consonant voicing in English

In English, voiced and voiceless syllable-initial stop consonants differ in both fundamental frequency at the onset of voicing (onset F0) and voice onset time (VOT). Although both correlates, alone, can cue the voicing contrast, listeners weight VOT more heavily when both are available. Such differential weighting may arise from differences in the perceptual distance between voicing categories along the VOT versus onset F0 dimensions, or it may arise from a bias to pay more attention to VOT than to onset F0. The present experiment examines listeners' use of these two cues when classifying stimuli in which perceptual distance was artificially equated along the two dimensions. Listeners were also trained to categorize stimuli based on one cue at the expense of another. Equating perceptual distance eliminated the expected bias toward VOT before training, but successfully learning to base decisions more on VOT and less on onset F0 was easier than vice versa. Perceptual distance along both dimensions increased for both groups after training, but only VOT-trained listeners showed a decrease in Garner interference. Results lend qualified support to an attentional model of phonetic learning in which learning involves strategic redeployment of selective attention across integral acoustic cues.     

Perceptual confusions of high-pitched sung vowels

Questions exist as to the intelligibility of vowels sung at extremely high fundamental frequencies and, especially, when the fundamental frequency (F0) produced is above the region where the first vowel formant (F1) would normally occur. Can such vowels be correctly identified and, if so, does context provide the necessary information or are acoustical elements also operative? To this end, 18 professional singers (5 males and 13 females) were recorded when singing 3 isolated vowels at high and low pitches at both loud and soft levels. Aural-perceptual studies employing four types of auditors were carried out to determine the identity of these vowels, and the nature of the confusions with other vowels. Subsequent acoustical analysis focused on the actual fundamental frequencies sung plus those defining the first 2 vowel formants. It was found that F0 change had a profound effect on vowel perception; one of the more important observations was that the target tended to shift toward vowels with an F1 just above the sung frequency.     

Effects of stimulation techniques on vocal responses: Implications for assessment and treatment

During voice evaluation and treatment it is customary for clinicians to elicit samples of the vowel /a/ from clients using various elicitation techniques. The purpose of this study was to compare the effects of four commonly used stimulation tasks on the laryngeal mechanism. Eleven female singing students, studying at a university music school, served as subjects for the study. The subjects phonated the vowel /a/ using 4 vocal stimulation techniques: yawn-sigh, gentle onset, focus, and the use of the voiceless fricative. Videoendoscopic and acoustic evaluations of their productions were done. Results show that, in the first 100 ms following the end of the formant transition, these techniques affected voice differently. The fundamental frequency was found to be highest in the yawn-sigh condition, whereas the maximum frequency perturbation was obtained for the voiceless fricative condition. Planned comparisons were made by comparing the data across 2 dimensions: (1) vowels elicited with voiced contexts versus those elicited with voiceless consonantal contexts and (2) vowels elicited with obstruent versus vowels elicited with nonobstruent consonantal contexts. Some changes in acoustic parameters brought about by these stimulation techniques may be explained on the basis of coarticulatory effects of the consonantal context.     

Intelligibility of vowels sung by a countertenor

Ten American English vowels were sung in a /b/-vowel-/d/ consonantal context by a professional countertenor in full voice (at F0 = 130, 165, 220, 260, and 330 Hz) and in head voice (at F0 = 220, 260, 330, 440, and 520 Hz). Four identification tests were prepared using the entire syllable or the center 200-ms portion of either the full-voice tokens or the head-voice tokens. Listeners attempted to identify each vowel by circling the appropriate word on their answer sheets. Errors were more frequent when the vowels were sung at higher F0. In addition, removal of the consonantal context markedly increased identification errors for both the head-voice and full-voice conditions. Back vowels were misidentified significantly more often than front vowels. For equal F0 values, listeners were significantly more accurate in identifying the head-voice stimuli. Acoustical analysis suggests that the difference of intelligibility between head and full voice may have been due to the head voice having more energy in the first harmonic than the full voice.     

A timing model for word-initial CV syllables in Modern Greek

Measurements of the temporal characteristics of word-initial stressed syllables in CV CV-type words in Modern Greek showed that the timing of the initial consonant in terms of its closure duration and voice onset time (VOT) is dependent on place and manner of articulation. This is contrary to recent accounts of word-initial voiceless consonants in English which propose that closure and VOT together comprise a voiceless interval independent of place and manner of articulation. The results also contribute to the development of a timing model for Modern Greek which generates closure, VOT, and vowel durations for word-initial, stressed CV syllables. The model is made up of a series of rules operating in an ordered fashion on a given word duration to derive first a stressed syllable duration and then all intrasyllabic acoustic intervals.     

Acoustic correlates of the front/back vowel distinction: a comparison of transition onset versus "steady state"

This study investigated whether F2 and F3 transition onsets could encode the vowel place feature as well as F2 and F3 "steady-state" measures [Syrdal and Gopal, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 79, 1086-1100 (1986)]. Multiple comparisons were made using (a) scatterplots in multidimensional space, (b) critical band differences, and (c) linear discriminant functional analyses. Four adult male speakers produced /b/(v)/t/, /d/(v)/t/, and /g/(v)/t/ tokens with medial vowel contexts /i,I, E, ey, ae, a, v, c, o, u/. Each token was repeated in a random order five times, yielding a total of 150 tokens per subject. Formant measurements were taken at four loci: F2 onset, F2 vowel, F3 onset, and F3 vowel. Onset points coincided with the first glottal pulse following the release burst and steady-state measures were taken approximately 60-70 ms post-onset. Graphic analyses revealed two distinct, minimally overlapping subsets grouped by front versus back. This dichotomous grouping was also seen in two-dimensional displays using only "onset" data as coordinates. Conversion to a critical band (bark) scale confirmed that front vowels were characterized by F3-F2 bark differences within a critical 3-bark distance, while back vowels exceeded the 3-bark critical distance. Using the critical distance metric onset values categorized front vowels as well as steady-state measures, but showed a 20% error rate for back vowels. Front vowels had less variability than back vowels. Statistical separability was quantified with linear discriminant function analysis. Percent correct classification into vowel place groups was 87.5% using F2 and F3 onsets as input variables, and 95.7% using F2 and F3 vowel. Acoustic correlates of the vowel place feature are already present at second and third formant transition onsets.     

Cortical sensitivity to periodicity of speech sounds

Previous non-invasive brain research has reported auditory cortical sensitivity to periodicity as reflected by larger and more anterior responses to periodic than to aperiodic vowels. The current study investigated whether there is a lower fundamental frequency (F0) limit for this effect. Auditory evoked fields (AEFs) elicited by natural-sounding 400 ms periodic and aperiodic vowel stimuli were measured with magnetoencephalography. Vowel F0 ranged from normal male speech (113 Hz) to exceptionally low values (9 Hz). Both the auditory N1m and sustained fields were larger in amplitude for periodic than for aperiodic vowels. The AEF sources for periodic vowels were also anterior to those for the aperiodic vowels. Importantly, the AEF amplitudes and locations were unaffected by the F0 decrement of the periodic vowels. However, the N1m latency increased monotonically as F0 was decreased down to 19 Hz, below which this trend broke down. Also, a cascade of transient N1m-like responses was observed in the lowest F0 condition. Thus, the auditory system seems capable of extracting the periodicity even from very low F0 vowels. The behavior of the N1m latency and the emergence of a response cascade at very low F0 values may reflect the lower limit of pitch perception.     

Effects of consonant-vowel intensity ratio on loudness of monosyllabic words

Previous research has suggested that speech loudness is determined primarily by the vowel in consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) monosyllabic words, and that consonant intensity has a negligible effect. The current study further examines the unique aspects of speech loudness by manipulating consonant-vowel intensity ratios (CVRs), while holding the vowel constant at a comfortable listening level (70 dB), to determine the extent to which vowels and consonants contribute differentially to the loudness of monosyllabic words with voiced and voiceless consonants. The loudness of words edited to have CVRs ranging from -6 to +6?dB was compared to that of standard words with unaltered CVR by 10 normal-hearing listeners in an adaptive procedure. Loudness and overall level as a function of CVR were compared for four CVC word types: both voiceless consonants modified; only initial voiceless consonants modified; both voiced consonants modified; and only initial voiced consonants modified. Results indicate that the loudness of CVC monosyllabic words is not based strictly on the level of the vowel; rather, the overall level of the word and the level of the vowel contribute approximately equally. In addition to furthering the basic understanding of speech perception, the current results may be of value for the coding of loudness by hearing aids and cochlear implants.     

Thresholds for second formant transitions in front vowels

Formant dynamics in vowel nuclei contribute to vowel classification in English. This study examined listeners' ability to discriminate dynamic second formant transitions in synthetic high front vowels. Acoustic measurements were made from the nuclei (steady state and 20% and 80% of vowel duration) for the vowels /i, I, e, epsilon, ae/ spoken by a female in /bVd/ context. Three synthesis parameters were selected to yield twelve discrimination conditions: initial frequency value for F2 (2525, 2272, or 2068 Hz), slope direction (rising or falling), and duration (110 or 165 ms). F1 frequency was roved. In the standard stimuli, F0 and F1-F4 were steady state. In the comparison stimuli only F2 frequency varied linearly to reach a final frequency. Five listeners were tested under adaptive tracking to estimate the threshold for frequency extent, the minimal detectable difference in frequency between the initial and final F2 values, called deltaF extent. Analysis showed that initial F2 frequency and direction of movement for some F2 frequencies contributed to significant differences in deltaF extent. Results suggested that listeners attended to differences in the stimulus property of frequency extent (hertz), not formant slope (hertz/second). Formant extent thresholds were at least four times smaller than extents measured in the natural speech tokens, and 18 times smaller than for the diphthongized vowel /e/.     

The role of F1 in the perception of voice onset time and voice offset time.

An important speech cue is that of voice onset time (VOT), a cue for the perception of voicing and aspiration in word-initial stops. Preaspiration, an [h]-like sound between a vowel and the following stop, can be cued by voice offset time, a cue which in most respects mirrors VOT. In Icelandic VOffT is much more sensitive to the duration of the preceding vowel than is VOT to the duration of the following vowel. This has been explained by noting that preaspiration can only follow a phonemically short vowel. Lengthening of the vowel, either by changing its duration or by moving the spectrum towards that appropriate for a long vowel, will thus demand a longer VOffT to cue preaspiration. An experiment is reported showing that this greater effect that vowel quantity has on the perception of VOffT than on the perception of VOT cannot be explained by the effect of F1 frequency at vowel offset.     

A perceptual model of vowel recognition based on the auditory representation of American English vowels

A quantitative perceptual model of human vowel recognition based upon psychoacoustic and speech perception data is described. At an intermediate auditory stage of processing, the specific bark difference level of the model represents the pattern of peripheral auditory excitation as the distance in critical bands (barks) between neighboring formants and between the fundamental frequency (F0) and first formant (F1). At a higher, phonetic stage of processing, represented by the critical bark difference level of the model, the transformed vowels may be dichotomously classified based on whether the difference between formants in each dimension falls within or exceeds the critical distance of 3 bark for the spectral center of gravity effect [Chistovich et al., Hear. Res. 1, 185-195 (1979)]. Vowel transformations and classifications correspond well to several major phonetic dimensions and features by which vowels are perceived and traditionally classified. The F1-F0 dimension represents vowel height, and high vowels have F1-F0 differences within 3 bark. The F3-F2 dimension corresponds to vowel place of articulation, and front vowels have F3-F2 differences of less than 3 bark. As an inherent, speaker-independent normalization procedure, the model provides excellent vowel clustering while it greatly reduces between-speaker variability. It offers robust normalization through feature classification because gross binary categorization allows for considerable acoustic variability. There was generally less formant and bark difference variability for closely spaced formants than for widely spaced formants. These findings agree with independently observed perceptual results and support Stevens' quantal theory of vowel production and perceptual constraints on production predicted from the critical bark difference level of the model.     

Perceptual differences between vowels located in a limited phonetic space

The perception of subphonemic differences between vowels was investigated using multidimensional scaling techniques. Three experiments were conducted with natural-sounding synthetic stimuli generated by linear predictive coding (LPC) formant synthesizers. In the first experiment, vowel sets near the pairs (i-I), (epsilon-ae), or (u-U) were synthesized containing 11 vowels each. Listeners judged the dissimilarities between all pairs of vowels within a set several times. These perceptual differences were mapped into distances between the vowels in an n-dimensional space using two-way multidimensional scaling. Results for each vowel set showed that the physical stimulus space, which was specified by the two parameters F1 and F2, was always mapped into a two-dimensional perceptual space. The best metric for modeling the perceptual distances was the Euclidean distance between F1 and F2 in barks. The second experiment investigated the perception of the same vowels from the first experiment, but embedded in a consonantal context. Following the same procedures as experiment 1, listeners' perception of the (bv) dissimilarities was not different from their perception of the isolated vowel dissimilarities. The third experiment investigated dissimilarity judgments for the three vowels (ae-alpha-lambda) located symmetrically in the F1 X F2 vowel space. While the perceptual space was again two dimensional, the influence of phonetic identity on vowel difference judgments was observed. Implications for determining metrics for subphonemic vowel differences using multidimensional scaling are discussed.     

Developmental study of vowel formant frequencies in an imitation task.

Imitations of ten synthesized vowels were recorded from 33 speakers including men, women, and children. The first three formant frequencies of the imitations were estimated from spectrograms and considered with respect to developmental patterns in vowel formant structure, uniform scale factors for vowel normalization, and formant variability. Strong linear effects were observed in the group data for imitations of most of the English vowels studied, and straight lines passing through the origin provided a satisfactory fit to linear F1--F2 plots of the English vowel data. Logarithmic transformations of the formant frequencies helped substantially to equalize the dispersion of the group data for different vowels, but formant scale factors were observed to vary somewhat with both formant number and vowel identity. Variability of formant frequency was least for F1 (s.d. of 60 Hz or less for English vowels of adult males) and about equal for F2 and F3 (s.d. of 100 Hz or less for English vowels of adult males).     

Effects of deafness on acoustic characteristics of American English tense/lax vowels in maternal speech to infants

Recent studies have demonstrated that mothers exaggerate phonetic properties of infant-directed (ID) speech. However, these studies focused on a single acoustic dimension (frequency), whereas speech sounds are composed of multiple acoustic cues. Moreover, little is known about how mothers adjust phonetic properties of speech to children with hearing loss. This study examined mothers' production of frequency and duration cues to the American English tense/lax vowel contrast in speech to profoundly deaf (N?=?14) and normal-hearing (N?=?14) infants, and to an adult experimenter. First and second formant frequencies and vowel duration of tense (/i/,?/u/) and lax (/I/,?/?/) vowels were measured. Results demonstrated that for both infant groups mothers hyperarticulated the acoustic vowel space and increased vowel duration in ID speech relative to adult-directed speech. Mean F2 values were decreased for the /u/ vowel and increased for the /I/ vowel, and vowel duration was longer for the /i/, /u/, and /I/ vowels in ID speech. However, neither acoustic cue differed in speech to hearing-impaired or normal-hearing infants. These results suggest that both formant frequencies and vowel duration that differentiate American English tense/lx vowel contrasts are modified in ID speech regardless of the hearing status of the addressee.     

Speaker normalization of static and dynamic vowel spectral features

Two methods are described for speaker normalizing vowel spectral features: one is a multivariable linear transformation of the features and the other is a polynomial warping of the frequency scale. Both normalization algorithms minimize the mean-square error between the transformed data of each speaker and vowel target values obtained from a "typical speaker." These normalization techniques were evaluated both for formants and a form of cepstral coefficients (DCTCs) as spectral parameters, for both static and dynamic features, and with and without fundamental frequency (F0) as an additional feature. The normalizations were tested with a series of automatic classification experiments for vowels. For all conditions, automatic vowel classification rates increased for speaker-normalized data compared to rates obtained for nonnormalized parameters. Typical classification rates for vowel test data for nonnormalized and normalized features respectively are as follows: static formants--69%/79%; formant trajectories--76%/84%; static DCTCs 75%/84%; DCTC trajectories--84%/91%. The linear transformation methods increased the classification rates slightly more than the polynomial frequency warping. The addition of F0 improved the automatic recognition results for nonnormalized vowel spectral features as much as 5.8%. However, the addition of F0 to speaker-normalized spectral features resulted in much smaller increases in automatic recognition rates.