Contextual effects on vowel duration, closure duration, and the consonant/vowel ratio in speech production

Acoustic measurements were conducted to determine the degree to which vowel duration, closure duration, and their ratio distinguish voicing of word-final stop consonants across variations in sentential and phonetic environments. Subjects read CVC test words containing three different vowels and ending in stops of three different places of articulation. The test words were produced either in nonphrase-final or phrase-final position and in several local phonetic environments within each of these sentence positions. Our measurements revealed that vowel duration most consistently distinguished voicing categories for the test words. Closure duration failed to consistently distinguish voicing categories across the contextual variables manipulated, as did the ratio of closure and vowel duration. Our results suggest that vowel duration is the most reliable correlate of voicing for word-final stops in connected speech.     

Spectral and duration properties of front vowels as cues to final stop-consonant voicing

The perception of voicing in final velar stop consonants was investigated by systematically varying vowel duration, change in offset frequency of the final first formant (F1) transition, and rate of frequency change in the final F1 transition for several vowel contexts. Consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) continua were synthesized for each of three vowels, [i,I,ae], which represent a range of relatively low to relatively high-F1 steady-state values. Subjects responded to the stimuli under both an open- and closed-response condition. Results of the study show that both vowel duration and F1 offset properties influence perception of final consonant voicing, with the salience of the F1 offset property higher for vowels with high-F1 steady-state frequencies than low-F1 steady-state frequencies, and the opposite occurring for the vowel duration property. When F1 onset and offset frequencies were controlled, rate of the F1 transition change had inconsistent and minimal effects on perception of final consonant voicing. Thus the findings suggest that it is the termination value of the F1 offset transition rather than rate and/or duration of frequency change, which cues voicing in final velar stop consonants during the transition period preceding closure.     

The role of temporal and dynamic signal components in the perception of syllable-final stop voicing by children and adults

Adults whose native languages permit syllable-final obstruents, and show a vocalic length distinction based on the voicing of those obstruents, consistently weight vocalic duration strongly in their perceptual decisions about the voicing of final stops, at least in laboratory studies using synthetic speech. Children, on the other hand, generally disregard such signal properties in their speech perception, favoring formant transitions instead. These age-related differences led to the prediction that children learning English as a native language would weight vocalic duration less than adults, but weight syllable-final transitions more in decisions of final-consonant voicing. This study tested that prediction. In the first experiment, adults and children (eight and six years olds) labeled synthetic and natural CVC words with voiced or voiceless stops in final C position. Predictions were strictly supported for synthetic stimuli only. With natural stimuli it appeared that adults and children alike weighted syllable-offset transitions strongly in their voicing decisions. The predicted age-related difference in the weighting of vocalic duration was seen for these natural stimuli almost exclusively when syllable-final transitions signaled a voiced final stop. A second experiment with adults and children (seven and five years old) replicated these results for natural stimuli with four new sets of natural stimuli. It was concluded that acoustic properties other than vocalic duration might play more important roles in voicing decisions for final stops than commonly asserted, sometimes even taking precedence over vocalic duration.     

Context-independent dynamic information for the perception of coarticulated vowels.

Most investigators agree that the acoustic information for American English vowels includes dynamic (time-varying) parameters as well as static "target" information contained in a single cross section of the syllable. Using the silent-center (SC) paradigm, the present experiment examined the case in which the initial and final portions of stop consonant-vowel-stop consonant (CVC) syllables containing the same vowel but different consonants were recombined into mixed-consonant SC syllables and presented to listeners for vowel identification. Ten vowels were spoken in six different syllables, /b Vb, bVd, bVt, dVb, dVd, dVt/, embedded in a carrier sentence. Initial and final transitional portions of these syllables were cross-matched in: (1) silent-center syllables with original syllable durations (silences) preserved (mixed-consonant SC condition) and (2) mixed-consonant SC syllables with syllable duration equated across the ten vowels (fixed duration mixed-consonant SC condition). Vowel-identification accuracy in these two mixed consonant SC conditions was compared with performance on the original SC and fixed duration SC stimuli, and in initial and final control conditions in which initial and final transitional portions were each presented alone. Vowels were identified highly accurately in both mixed-consonant SC and original syllable SC conditions (only 7%-8% overall errors). Neutralizing duration information led to small, but significant, increases in identification errors in both mixed-consonant and original fixed-duration SC conditions (14%-15% errors), but performance was still much more accurate than for initial and finals control conditions (35% and 52% errors, respectively). Acoustical analysis confirmed that direction and extent of formant change from initial to final portions of mixed-consonant stimuli differed from that of original syllables, arguing against a target + offglide explanation of the perceptual results. Results do support the hypothesis that temporal trajectories specifying "style of movement" provide information for the differentiation of American English tense and lax vowels, and that this information is invariant over the place of articulation and voicing of the surrounding stop consonants.     

Training the perception of Hindi dental and retroflex stops by native speakers of American English and Japanese

Perception of second language speech sounds is influenced by one's first language. For example, speakers of American English have difficulty perceiving dental versus retroflex stop consonants in Hindi although English has both dental and retroflex allophones of alveolar stops. Japanese, unlike English, has a contrast similar to Hindi, specifically, the Japanese /d/ versus the flapped /r/ which is sometimes produced as a retroflex. This study compared American and Japanese speakers' identification of the Hindi contrast in CV syllable contexts where C varied in voicing and aspiration. The study then evaluated the participants' increase in identifying the distinction after training with a computer-interactive program. Training sessions progressively increased in difficulty by decreasing the extent of vowel truncation in stimuli and by adding new speakers. Although all participants improved significantly, Japanese participants were more accurate than Americans in distinguishing the contrast on pretest, during training, and on posttest. Transfer was observed to three new consonantal contexts, a new vowel context, and a new speaker's productions. Some abstract aspect of the contrast was apparently learned during training. It is suggested that allophonic experience with dental and retroflex stops may be detrimental to perception of the new contrast.     

The cricothyroid muscle in voicing control

Initiation and maintenance of vibrations of the vocal folds require suitable conditions of adduction, longitudinal tension, and transglottal airflow. Thus manipulation of adduction/abduction, stiffening/slackening, or degree of transglottal flow may, in principle, be used to determine the voicing status of a speech segment. This study explores the control of voicing and voicelessness in speech with particular reference to the role of changes in the longitudinal tension of the vocal folds, as indicated by cricothyroid (CT) muscle activity. Electromyographic recordings were made from the CT muscle in two speakers of American English and one speaker of Dutch. The linguistic material consisted of reiterant speech made up of CV syllables where the consonants were voiced and voiceless stops, fricatives, and affricates. Comparison of CT activity associated with the voiced and voiceless consonants indicated a higher level for the voiceless consonants than for their voiced cognates. Measurements of the fundamental frequency (F0) at the beginning of a vowel following the consonant show the common pattern of higher F0 after voiceless consonants. For one subject, there was no difference in cricothyroid activity for voiced and voiceless affricates; in this case, the consonant-induced variations in the F0 of the following vowel were also less robust. Consideration of timing relationships between the EMG curves for voiced and voiceless consonants suggests that the differences most likely reflect control of vocal-fold tension for maintenance or suppression of phonatory vibrations. The same mechanism also seems to contribute to the well-known difference in F0 at the beginning of vowels following voiced and voiceless consonants.     

The role of F1 in the perception of voice onset time and voice offset time.

An important speech cue is that of voice onset time (VOT), a cue for the perception of voicing and aspiration in word-initial stops. Preaspiration, an [h]-like sound between a vowel and the following stop, can be cued by voice offset time, a cue which in most respects mirrors VOT. In Icelandic VOffT is much more sensitive to the duration of the preceding vowel than is VOT to the duration of the following vowel. This has been explained by noting that preaspiration can only follow a phonemically short vowel. Lengthening of the vowel, either by changing its duration or by moving the spectrum towards that appropriate for a long vowel, will thus demand a longer VOffT to cue preaspiration. An experiment is reported showing that this greater effect that vowel quantity has on the perception of VOffT than on the perception of VOT cannot be explained by the effect of F1 frequency at vowel offset.     

Fundamental frequency correlates of stop consonant voicing and vowel quality in the speech of preadolescent children

Fundamental frequency (F0) and voice onset time (VOT) were measured in utterances containing voiceless aspirated [ph, th, kh], voiceless unaspirated [sp, st, sk], and voiced [b, d, g] stop consonants produced in the context of [i, e, u, o, a] by 8- to 9-year-old subjects. The results revealed that VOT reliably differentiated voiceless aspirated from voiceless unaspirated and voiced stops, whereas F0 significantly contrasted voiced with voiceless aspirated and unaspirated stops, except for the first glottal period, where voiceless unaspirated stops contrasted with the other two categories. Fundamental frequency consistently differentiated vowel height in alveolar and velar stop consonant environments only. In comparing the results of these children and of adults, it was observed that the acoustic correlates of stop consonant voicing and vowel quality were different not only in absolute values, but also in terms of variability. Further analyses suggested that children were more variable in production due to inconsistency in achieving specific targets. The findings also suggest that, of the acoustic correlates of the voicing feature, the primary distinction of VOT is strongly developed by 8-9 years of age, whereas the secondary distinction of F0 is still in an emerging state.     

The discrimination of vowel duration by infants

Three groups of nine 5-11-month-old infants provided evidence of discrimination of speechlike stimuli differing only in vowel duration. Ease of discrimination was directly related to the magnitude of the ratio of the longer to shorter vowel. Group one infants discriminated three vowel duration contrasts (with ratios of 0.33, 0.67, and 1.0) embedded in a synthetic [mad] syllable; group two discriminated these same duration contrasts within the bisyllable [ samad ], and group three in the trisyllable [ masamad ]. In all cases, the contrasting durations were carried by the last vowel of the synthetic word. These same three infant groups failed to provide evidence of discrimination of a final position released stop consonant contrast ([mat] versus [mad]) cued by voice excitation during closure of the [d] and not the [t]. These results suggest that vowel duration may be a primary cue for infants' perception of the voicing of final position stop consonants.     

The emergence of mature gestural patterns in the production of voiceless and voiced word-final stops

The organization of gestures was examined in children's and adults' samples of consonant-vowel-stop words differing in stop voicing. Children (5 and 7 years old) and adults produced words from five voiceless/voiced pairs, five times each in isolation and in sentences. Acoustic measurements were made of vocalic duration, and of the first and second formants at syllable center and voicing offset. The predicted acoustic correlates of syllable-final voicing were observed across speakers: vocalic segments were shorter and first formants were higher in words with voiceless, rather than voiced, final stops. In addition, the second formant was found to differ depending on the voicing of the final stop for all speakers. It was concluded that by 5 years of age children produce words ending in stops with the same overall gestural organization as adults. However, some age-related differences were observed for jaw gestures, and variability for all measures was greater for children than for adults. These results suggest that children are still refining their organization of articulatory gestures past the age of 7 years. Finally, context effects (isolation or sentence) showed that the acoustic correlates of syllable-final voicing are attenuated when words are produced in sentences, rather than in isolation.     

Acoustic invariance in speech production: evidence from measurements of the spectral characteristics of stop consonants

On the basis of theoretical considerations and the results of experiments with synthetic consonant-vowel syllables, it has been hypothesized that the short-time spectrum sampled at the onset of a stop consonant should exhibit gross properties that uniquely specify the consonantal place of articulation independent of the following vowel. The aim of this paper is to test this hypothesis by measuring the spectrum sampled at the onsets and offsets of a large number of consonant-vowel (CV) and vowel-consonant (VC) syllables containing both voiced and voiceless stops produced by several speakers. Templates were devised in an attempt to capture three classes of spectral shapes: diffuse-rising, diffuse-falling, and compact, corresponding to alveolar, labial, and velar consonants, respectively. Spectra were derived from the utterances by sampling at the consonantal release of CV syllables and at the implosion and burst release of VC syllables, and these spectra (smoothed by a linear prediction algorithm) were matched against the templates. It was found that about 85% of the spectra at initial consonant release and at final burst release were correctly classified by the templates, although there was some variability across vowel contexts. The spectra sampled at the implosion were not consistently classified. A preliminary examination of spectra sampled at the release of nasal consonants in CV syllables showed a somewhat lower accuracy of classification by the same templates. Overall, the results support an hypothesis that, in natural speech, the acoustic characteristics of stop consonants, specified in terms of the gross spectral shape sampled at the discontinuity in the acoustic signal, show invariant properties independent of the adjacent vowel or of the voicing characteristics of the consonant. The implication is that the auditory system is endowed with detectors that are sensitive to these kinds of gross spectral shapes, and that the existence of these detectors helps the infant to organize the sounds of speech into their natural classes.     

American and Swedish children's acquisition of vowel duration: effects of vowel identity and final stop voicing

Vowel durations typically vary according to both intrinsic (segment-specific) and extrinsic (contextual) specifications. It can be argued that such variations are due to both predisposition and cognitive learning. The present report utilizes acoustic phonetic measurements from Swedish and American children aged 24 and 30 months to investigate the hypothesis that default behaviors may precede language-specific learning effects. The predicted pattern is the presence of final consonant voicing effects in both languages as a default, and subsequent learning of intrinsic effects most notably in the Swedish children. The data, from 443 monosyllabic tokens containing high-front vowels and final stop consonants, are analyzed in statistical frameworks at group and individual levels. The results confirm that Swedish children show an early tendency to vary vowel durations according to final consonant voicing, followed only six months later by a stage at which the intrinsic influence of vowel identity grows relatively more robust. Measures of vowel formant structure from selected 30-month-old children also revealed a tendency for children of this age to focus on particular acoustic contrasts. In conclusion, the results indicate that early acquisition of vowel specifications involves an interaction between language-specific features and articulatory predispositions associated with phonetic context.     

Influence of following context on perception of the voiced-voiceless distinction in syllable-final stop consonants

This paper reports acoustic measurements and results from a series of perceptual experiments on the voiced-voiceless distinction for syllable-final stop consonants in absolute final position and in the context of a following syllable beginning with a different stop consonant. The focus is on temporal cues to the distinction, with vowel duration and silent closure duration as the primary and secondary dimensions, respectively. The main results are that adding a second syllable to a monosyllable increases the number of voiced stop consonant responses, as does shortening of the closure duration in disyllables. Both of these effects are consistent with temporal regularities in speech production: Vowel durations are shorter in the first syllable of disyllables than in monosyllables, and closure durations are shorter for voiced than for voiceless stops in disyllabic utterances of this type. While the perceptual effects thus may derive from two separate sources of tacit phonetic knowledge available to listeners, the data are also consistent with an interpretation in terms of a single effect; one of temporal proximity of following context.     

Perceptual cues to the voiced-voiceless distinction of final fricatives for listeners with impaired or with normal hearing

Cues to the voicing distinction for final /f,s,v,z/ were assessed for 24 impaired- and 11 normal-hearing listeners. In base-line tests the listeners identified the consonants in recorded /d circumflex C/ syllables. To assess the importance of various cues, tests were conducted of the syllables altered by deletion and/or temporal adjustment of segments containing acoustic patterns related to the voicing distinction for the fricatives. The results showed that decreasing the duration of /circumflex/ preceding /v/ or /z/, and lengthening the /circumflex/ preceding /f/ or /s/, considerably reduced the correctness of voicing perception for the hearing-impaired group, while showing no effect for the normal-hearing group. For the normals, voicing perception deteriorated for /f/ and /s/ when the frications were deleted from the syllables, and for /v/ and /z/ when the vowel offsets were removed from the syllables with duration-adjusted vowels and deleted frications. We conclude that some hearing-impaired listeners rely to a greater extent on vowel duration as a voicing cue than do normal-hearing listeners.     

Accuracy and variability of acoustic measures of voicing onset

Five commonly used methods for determining the onset of voicing of syllable-initial stop consonants were compared. The speech and glottal activity of 16 native speakers of Cantonese with normal voice quality were investigated during the production of consonant vowel (CV) syllables in Cantonese. Syllables consisted of the initial consonants /ph/, /th/, /kh/, /p/, /t/, and /k/ followed by the vowel /a/. All syllables had a high level tone, and were all real words in Cantonese. Measurements of voicing onset were made based on the onset of periodicity in the acoustic waveform, and on spectrographic measures of the onset of a voicing bar (f0), the onset of the first formant (F1), second formant (F2), and third formant (F3). These measurements were then compared against the onset of glottal opening as determined by electroglottography. Both accuracy and variability of each measure were calculated. Results suggest that the presence of aspiration in a syllable decreased the accuracy and increased the variability of spectrogram-based measurements, but did not strongly affect measurements made from the acoustic waveform. Overall, the acoustic waveform provided the most accurate estimate of voicing onset; measurements made from the amplitude waveform were also the least variable of the five measures. These results can be explained as a consequence of differences in spectral tilt of the voicing source in breathy versus modal phonation.     

F1 structure provides information for final-consonant voicing

Previous research has shown that F1 offset frequencies are generally lower for vowels preceding voiced consonants than for vowels preceding voiceless consonants. Furthermore, it has been shown that listeners use these differences in offset frequency in making judgments about final-consonant voicing. A recent production study [W. Summers, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 82, 847-863 (1987)] reported that F1 frequency differences due to postvocalic voicing are not limited to the final transition or offset region of the preceding vowel. Vowels preceding voiced consonants showed lower F1 onset frequencies and lower F1 steady-state frequencies than vowels preceding voiceless consonants. The present study examined whether F1 frequency differences in the initial transition and steady-state regions of preceding vowels affect final-consonant voicing judgments in perception. The results suggest that F1 frequency differences in these early portions of preceding vowels do, in fact, influence listeners' judgments of postvocalic consonantal voicing.     

Modified locus equations categorize stop place in a perceptually realistic time frame

Slope and y-intercepts of locus equations have previously been shown to successfully classify place of articulation for English voiced stop consonants when derived from measurements at vowel onset and vowel midpoint. However, listeners are capable of identifying English voiced stops when less than 30 ms of vowel is presented. The present results show that modified locus equation measurements made within the first several pitch periods of a vowel following an English voiced stop were also successful at classifying place of articulation, consistent with the amount of vocalic information necessary for perceptual identification of English voiced stops /b d g/.     

Effects of consonant manner and vowel height on intraoral pressure and articulatory contact at voicing offset and onset for voiceless obstruents

In obstruent consonants, a major constriction in the upper vocal tract yields an increase in intraoral pressure (P(io)). Phonation requires that subglottal pressure (P(sub)) exceed P(io) by a threshold value, so as the transglottal pressure reaches the threshold, phonation will cease. This work investigates how P(io) levels at phonation offset and onset vary before and after different German voiceless obstruents (stop, fricative, affricates, clusters), and with following high vs low vowels. Articulatory contacts, measured using electropalatography, were recorded simultaneously with P(io) to clarify how supraglottal constrictions affect P(io). Effects of consonant type on phonation thresholds could be explained mainly in terms of the magnitude and timing of vocal-fold abduction. Phonation offset occurred at lower values of P(io) before fricative-initial sequences than stop-initial sequences, and onset occurred at higher levels of P(io) following the unaspirated stops of clusters compared to fricatives, affricates, and aspirated stops. The vowel effects were somewhat surprising: High vowels had an inhibitory effect at voicing offset (phonation ceasing at lower values of P(io)) in short-duration consonant sequences, but a facilitating effect on phonation onset that was consistent across consonantal contexts. The vowel influences appear to reflect a combination of vocal-fold characteristics and vocal-tract impedance.     

Perceptual cues to the onset of voiced excitation in aspirated initial stops

Previous experiments on the perception of initial stops differing in voice-onset time have used sounds where the boundary between aspiration and voicing is clearly marked by a variety of acoustic events. In natural speech these events do not always occur at the same moment and there is disagreement among phoneticians as to which mark the onset of voicing. The three experiments described here examine how the phoneme boundary between syllable-initial, prestress /b/ and /p/ is influenced by the way in which voicing starts. In the first experiment the first 30 ms of buzz excitation is played at four different levels relative to the steady state of the vowel and with two different frequency distributions: In the F1-only conditions buzz is confined to the first formant, whereas in the F123 conditions all three formants are excited by buzz. The results reject the hypothesis that voicing is perceived to start when periodic excitation is present in the first formant. The results of the third experiment show also that buzz excitation confined to the fundamental frequency for 30 ms before the onset of full voicing (formant excitation) has little effect on the voicing boundary. The second experiment varies aspiration noise intensity and buzz onset intensity independently. Together with the first experiment it shows that: (1) at all buzz onset levels a change in aspiration intensity moves the boundary by about the 0.43 ms/dB found by Repp [Lang. Speech 27, 173-189 (1979)]; (2) when buzz onsets at levels greater than - 15 dB relative to the final vowel level, changes in buzz onset level again move the /b/-/p/ boundary by the same amount; (3) when buzz onsets at levels less than - 15 dB relative to the vowel, decreasing the buzz onset level gives more /p/- percepts than Repp's ratio predicts. This last result, taken with the results of the first experiment, may reflect a decision based on overall intensity about when voicing has started.     

Relation between voice-onset time and vowel duration.

As part of an investigation of the temporal implementation rules of English, measurements were made of voice-onset time for initial English stops and the duration of the following voiced vowel in monosyllabic words for New York City speakers. It was found that the VOT of a word-initial consonant was longer before a voiceless final cluster than before a single nasal, and longer before tense vowels than lax vowels. The vowels were also longer in environments where VOT was longer, but VOT did not maintain a constant ratio with the vowel duration, even for a single place of articulation. VOT was changed by a smaller proportion than the following voiced vowel in both cases. VOT changes associated with the vowel were consistent across place of articulation of the stop. In the final experiment, when vowel tensity and final consonant effects were combined, it was found that the proportion of vowel duration change that carried over to the preceding VOT is different for the two phonetic changes. These results imply that temporal implementation rules simultaneously influence several acoustic intervals including both VOT and the "inherent" interval corresponding to a segment, either by independent control of the relevant articulatory variables or by some unknown common mechanism.