F1 structure provides information for final-consonant voicing

Previous research has shown that F1 offset frequencies are generally lower for vowels preceding voiced consonants than for vowels preceding voiceless consonants. Furthermore, it has been shown that listeners use these differences in offset frequency in making judgments about final-consonant voicing. A recent production study [W. Summers, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 82, 847-863 (1987)] reported that F1 frequency differences due to postvocalic voicing are not limited to the final transition or offset region of the preceding vowel. Vowels preceding voiced consonants showed lower F1 onset frequencies and lower F1 steady-state frequencies than vowels preceding voiceless consonants. The present study examined whether F1 frequency differences in the initial transition and steady-state regions of preceding vowels affect final-consonant voicing judgments in perception. The results suggest that F1 frequency differences in these early portions of preceding vowels do, in fact, influence listeners' judgments of postvocalic consonantal voicing.     

The performance of different synthesis signals in acoustic models of cochlear implants

Synthesis (carrier) signals in acoustic models embody assumptions about perception of auditory electric stimulation. This study compared speech intelligibility of consonants and vowels processed through a set of nine acoustic models that used Spectral Peak (SPEAK) and Advanced Combination Encoder (ACE)-like speech processing, using synthesis signals which were representative of signals used previously in acoustic models as well as two new ones. Performance of the synthesis signals was determined in terms of correspondence with cochlear implant (CI) listener results for 12 attributes of phoneme perception (consonant and vowel recognition; F1, F2, and duration information transmission for vowels; voicing, manner, place of articulation, affrication, burst, nasality, and amplitude envelope information transmission for consonants) using four measures of performance. Modulated synthesis signals produced the best correspondence with CI consonant intelligibility, while sinusoids, narrow noise bands, and varying noise bands produced the best correspondence with CI vowel intelligibility. The signals that performed best overall (in terms of correspondence with both vowel and consonant attributes) were modulated and unmodulated noise bands of varying bandwidth that corresponded to a linearly varying excitation width of 0.4 mm at the apical to 8 mm at the basal channels.     

Neighboring spectral content influences vowel identification

Four experiments explored the relative contributions of spectral content and phonetic labeling in effects of context on vowel perception. Two 10-step series of CVC syllables ([bVb] and [dVd]) varying acoustically in F2 midpoint frequency and varying perceptually in vowel height from [delta] to [epsilon] were synthesized. In a forced-choice identification task, listeners more often labeled vowels as [delta] in [dVd] context than in [bVb] context. To examine whether spectral content predicts this effect, nonspeech-speech hybrid series were created by appending 70-ms sine-wave glides following the trajectory of CVC F2's to 60-ms members of a steady-state vowel series varying in F2 frequency. In addition, a second hybrid series was created by appending constant-frequency sine-wave tones equivalent in frequency to CVC F2 onset/offset frequencies. Vowels flanked by frequency-modulated glides or steady-state tones modeling [dVd] were more often labeled as [delta] than were the same vowels surrounded by nonspeech modeling [bVb]. These results suggest that spectral content is important in understanding vowel context effects. A final experiment tested whether spectral content can modulate vowel perception when phonetic labeling remains intact. Voiceless consonants, with lower-amplitude more-diffuse spectra, were found to exert less of an influence on vowel perception than do their voiced counterparts. The data are discussed in terms of a general perceptual account of context effects in speech perception.     

Context-independent dynamic information for the perception of coarticulated vowels.

Most investigators agree that the acoustic information for American English vowels includes dynamic (time-varying) parameters as well as static "target" information contained in a single cross section of the syllable. Using the silent-center (SC) paradigm, the present experiment examined the case in which the initial and final portions of stop consonant-vowel-stop consonant (CVC) syllables containing the same vowel but different consonants were recombined into mixed-consonant SC syllables and presented to listeners for vowel identification. Ten vowels were spoken in six different syllables, /b Vb, bVd, bVt, dVb, dVd, dVt/, embedded in a carrier sentence. Initial and final transitional portions of these syllables were cross-matched in: (1) silent-center syllables with original syllable durations (silences) preserved (mixed-consonant SC condition) and (2) mixed-consonant SC syllables with syllable duration equated across the ten vowels (fixed duration mixed-consonant SC condition). Vowel-identification accuracy in these two mixed consonant SC conditions was compared with performance on the original SC and fixed duration SC stimuli, and in initial and final control conditions in which initial and final transitional portions were each presented alone. Vowels were identified highly accurately in both mixed-consonant SC and original syllable SC conditions (only 7%-8% overall errors). Neutralizing duration information led to small, but significant, increases in identification errors in both mixed-consonant and original fixed-duration SC conditions (14%-15% errors), but performance was still much more accurate than for initial and finals control conditions (35% and 52% errors, respectively). Acoustical analysis confirmed that direction and extent of formant change from initial to final portions of mixed-consonant stimuli differed from that of original syllables, arguing against a target + offglide explanation of the perceptual results. Results do support the hypothesis that temporal trajectories specifying "style of movement" provide information for the differentiation of American English tense and lax vowels, and that this information is invariant over the place of articulation and voicing of the surrounding stop consonants.     

Fundamental frequency correlates of stop consonant voicing and vowel quality in the speech of preadolescent children

Fundamental frequency (F0) and voice onset time (VOT) were measured in utterances containing voiceless aspirated [ph, th, kh], voiceless unaspirated [sp, st, sk], and voiced [b, d, g] stop consonants produced in the context of [i, e, u, o, a] by 8- to 9-year-old subjects. The results revealed that VOT reliably differentiated voiceless aspirated from voiceless unaspirated and voiced stops, whereas F0 significantly contrasted voiced with voiceless aspirated and unaspirated stops, except for the first glottal period, where voiceless unaspirated stops contrasted with the other two categories. Fundamental frequency consistently differentiated vowel height in alveolar and velar stop consonant environments only. In comparing the results of these children and of adults, it was observed that the acoustic correlates of stop consonant voicing and vowel quality were different not only in absolute values, but also in terms of variability. Further analyses suggested that children were more variable in production due to inconsistency in achieving specific targets. The findings also suggest that, of the acoustic correlates of the voicing feature, the primary distinction of VOT is strongly developed by 8-9 years of age, whereas the secondary distinction of F0 is still in an emerging state.     

Perceptual invariance of coarticulated vowels over variations in speaking rate

This study examined the perception and acoustics of a large corpus of vowels spoken in consonant-vowel-consonant syllables produced in citation-form (lists) and spoken in sentences at normal and rapid rates by a female adult. Listeners correctly categorized the speaking rate of sentence materials as normal or rapid (2% errors) but did not accurately classify the speaking rate of the syllables when they were excised from the sentences (25% errors). In contrast, listeners accurately identified the vowels produced in sentences spoken at both rates when presented the sentences and when presented the excised syllables blocked by speaking rate or randomized. Acoustical analysis showed that formant frequencies at syllable midpoint for vowels in sentence materials showed "target undershoot" relative to citation-form values, but little change over speech rate. Syllable durations varied systematically with vowel identity, speaking rate, and voicing of final consonant. Vowel-inherent-spectral-change was invariant in direction of change over rate and context for most vowels. The temporal location of maximum F1 frequency further differentiated spectrally adjacent lax and tense vowels. It was concluded that listeners were able to utilize these rate- and context-independent dynamic spectrotemporal parameters to identify coarticulated vowels, even when sentential information about speaking rate was not available.     

The discrimination of vowel duration by infants

Three groups of nine 5-11-month-old infants provided evidence of discrimination of speechlike stimuli differing only in vowel duration. Ease of discrimination was directly related to the magnitude of the ratio of the longer to shorter vowel. Group one infants discriminated three vowel duration contrasts (with ratios of 0.33, 0.67, and 1.0) embedded in a synthetic [mad] syllable; group two discriminated these same duration contrasts within the bisyllable [ samad ], and group three in the trisyllable [ masamad ]. In all cases, the contrasting durations were carried by the last vowel of the synthetic word. These same three infant groups failed to provide evidence of discrimination of a final position released stop consonant contrast ([mat] versus [mad]) cued by voice excitation during closure of the [d] and not the [t]. These results suggest that vowel duration may be a primary cue for infants' perception of the voicing of final position stop consonants.     

Effects of prosodic boundary on /aC/ sequences: acoustic results

This study presents various acoustic measures used to examine the sequence /a # C/, where "#" represents different prosodic boundaries in French. The 6 consonants studied are /b d g f s S/ (3 stops and 3 fricatives). The prosodic units investigated are the utterance, the intonational phrase, the accentual phrase, and the word. It is found that vowel target values, formant transitions into the stop consonant, and the rate of change in spectral tilt into the fricative, are affected by the strength of the prosodic boundary. F1 becomes higher for /a/ the stronger the prosodic boundary, with the exception of one speaker's utterance data, which show the effects of articulatory declension at the utterance level. Various effects of the stop consonant context are observed, the most notable being a tendency for the vowel /a/ to be displaced in the direction of the F2 consonant "locus" for /d/ (the F2 consonant values for which remain relatively stable across prosodic boundaries) and for /g/ (the F2 consonant values for which are displaced in the direction of the velar locus in weaker prosodic boundaries, together with those of the vowel). Velocity of formant transition may be affected by prosodic boundary (with greater velocity at weaker boundaries), though results are not consistent across speakers. There is also a tendency for the rate of change in spectral tilt moving from the vowel to the fricative to be affected by the presence of a prosodic boundary, with a greater rate of change at the weaker prosodic boundaries. It is suggested that spectral cues, in addition to duration, amplitude, and F0 cues, may alert listeners to the presence of a prosodic boundary.     

American and Swedish children's acquisition of vowel duration: effects of vowel identity and final stop voicing

Vowel durations typically vary according to both intrinsic (segment-specific) and extrinsic (contextual) specifications. It can be argued that such variations are due to both predisposition and cognitive learning. The present report utilizes acoustic phonetic measurements from Swedish and American children aged 24 and 30 months to investigate the hypothesis that default behaviors may precede language-specific learning effects. The predicted pattern is the presence of final consonant voicing effects in both languages as a default, and subsequent learning of intrinsic effects most notably in the Swedish children. The data, from 443 monosyllabic tokens containing high-front vowels and final stop consonants, are analyzed in statistical frameworks at group and individual levels. The results confirm that Swedish children show an early tendency to vary vowel durations according to final consonant voicing, followed only six months later by a stage at which the intrinsic influence of vowel identity grows relatively more robust. Measures of vowel formant structure from selected 30-month-old children also revealed a tendency for children of this age to focus on particular acoustic contrasts. In conclusion, the results indicate that early acquisition of vowel specifications involves an interaction between language-specific features and articulatory predispositions associated with phonetic context.     

Analysis of stop consonant production errors in developmentally dysphasic children

The speech production skills of 12 dysphasic children and of 12 normal children were compared. The dysphasic children were found to have significantly greater difficulty than the normal children in producing stop consonants. In addition, it was found that seven of the dysphasic children, who had difficulty in perceiving initial stop consonants, had greater difficulty in producing stop consonants than the remaining five dysphasic children who showed no such perceptual difficulty. A detailed phonetic analysis indicated that the dysphasic children seldom omitted stops or substituted nonstop for stop consonants. Instead, their errors were predominantly of voicing or place of articulation. Acoustic analyses suggested that the voicing errors were related to lack of precise control over the timing of speech events, specifically, voice onset time for initial stops and vowel duration preceding final stops. The number of voicing errors on final stops, however, was greater than expected on the basis of lack of differentiation of vowel duration alone. They appeared also to be related to a tendency in the dysphasic children to produce final stops with exaggerated aspiration. The possible relationship of poor timing control in speech production in these children and auditory temporal processing deficits in speech perception is discussed.     

Age differences for stop-consonant and vowel perception in adults

The purpose of this study was to determine the role of static, dynamic, and integrated cues for perception in three adult age groups, and to determine whether age has an effect on both consonant and vowel perception, as predicted by the "age-related deficit hypothesis." Eight adult subjects in each of the age ranges of young (ages 20-26), middle aged (ages 52-59), and old (ages 70-76) listened to synthesized syllables composed of combinations of [b d g] and [i u a]. The synthesis parameters included manipulations of the following stimulus variables: formant transition (moving or straight), noise burst (present or absent), and voicing duration (10, 30, or 46 ms). Vowel perception was high across all conditions and there were no significant differences among age groups. Consonant identification showed a definite effect of age. Young and middle-aged adults were significantly better than older adults at identifying consonants from secondary cues only. Older adults relied on the integration of static and dynamic cues to a greater extent than younger and middle-aged listeners for identification of place of articulation of stop consonants. Duration facilitated correct stop-consonant identification in the young and middle-aged groups for the no-burst conditions, but not in the old group. These findings for the duration of stop-consonant transitions indicate reductions in processing speed with age. In general, the results did not support the age-related deficit hypothesis for adult identification of vowels and consonants from dynamic spectral cues.     

Contextual effects on vowel duration, closure duration, and the consonant/vowel ratio in speech production

Acoustic measurements were conducted to determine the degree to which vowel duration, closure duration, and their ratio distinguish voicing of word-final stop consonants across variations in sentential and phonetic environments. Subjects read CVC test words containing three different vowels and ending in stops of three different places of articulation. The test words were produced either in nonphrase-final or phrase-final position and in several local phonetic environments within each of these sentence positions. Our measurements revealed that vowel duration most consistently distinguished voicing categories for the test words. Closure duration failed to consistently distinguish voicing categories across the contextual variables manipulated, as did the ratio of closure and vowel duration. Our results suggest that vowel duration is the most reliable correlate of voicing for word-final stops in connected speech.     

Perception of sine-wave analogs of voice onset time stimuli

It has been argued that perception of stop consonant voicing contrasts is based on auditory mechanisms responsible for the resolution of temporal order. As one source of evidence, category boundaries for nonspeech stimuli whose components vary in relative onset time are reasonably close to the labeling boundary for a labial stop voiced-voiceless continuum. However, voicing boundaries change considerably when the onset frequency of the first formant (F1) is varied--either directly or as a side effect of a change in F1 transition duration. Stimuli consisted of a midfrequency sinusoid that was initiated 0-50 ms prior to the onset of a low-frequency sinusoid. Results showed that the labeling boundary for relative onset time increased for longer durations of a low-frequency tone sweep. This effect is analogous to the F1 transition duration effect with synthetic speech. Further, the discrimination of differences in relative onset time was poorer for stimuli with longer frequency sweeps. However, unlike synthetic speech, there were no systematic effects when the frequency of a transitionless lower sinusoid was varied. These findings are discussed in relation to the potential contributions of auditory mechanisms and speech-specific processes in the perception of the voicing contrast.     

The role of F1 in the perception of voice onset time and voice offset time.

An important speech cue is that of voice onset time (VOT), a cue for the perception of voicing and aspiration in word-initial stops. Preaspiration, an [h]-like sound between a vowel and the following stop, can be cued by voice offset time, a cue which in most respects mirrors VOT. In Icelandic VOffT is much more sensitive to the duration of the preceding vowel than is VOT to the duration of the following vowel. This has been explained by noting that preaspiration can only follow a phonemically short vowel. Lengthening of the vowel, either by changing its duration or by moving the spectrum towards that appropriate for a long vowel, will thus demand a longer VOffT to cue preaspiration. An experiment is reported showing that this greater effect that vowel quantity has on the perception of VOffT than on the perception of VOT cannot be explained by the effect of F1 frequency at vowel offset.     

Revisiting stop-consonant perception for two-formant stimuli

The purpose of this study was to reexamine the factors leading to stop-consonant perception for consonant-vowel (CV) stimuli with just two formants over a range of vowels, under both an open- and closed-response condition. Five two-formant CV stimulus continua were synthesized, each covering a range of second-formant (F2) starting frequencies, for vowels corresponding roughly to [i,I,ae,u,a]. In addition, for the [I] and [a] continua, the duration of the first-formant (F1) transition was systematically varied. Three main findings emerged. First, criterion-level labial and alveolar responses were obtained for those stimuli with substantial F2 transitions. Second, for some stimuli, increases in the duration of the F1 transition increased velar responses to criterion level. Third, the response paradigm had a substantial influence on stop-consonant perception across all vowel continua. The results support a model of stop-consonant perception that includes spectral and time-varying spectral properties as integral components of analysis.     

Effects of consonant manner and vowel height on intraoral pressure and articulatory contact at voicing offset and onset for voiceless obstruents

In obstruent consonants, a major constriction in the upper vocal tract yields an increase in intraoral pressure (P(io)). Phonation requires that subglottal pressure (P(sub)) exceed P(io) by a threshold value, so as the transglottal pressure reaches the threshold, phonation will cease. This work investigates how P(io) levels at phonation offset and onset vary before and after different German voiceless obstruents (stop, fricative, affricates, clusters), and with following high vs low vowels. Articulatory contacts, measured using electropalatography, were recorded simultaneously with P(io) to clarify how supraglottal constrictions affect P(io). Effects of consonant type on phonation thresholds could be explained mainly in terms of the magnitude and timing of vocal-fold abduction. Phonation offset occurred at lower values of P(io) before fricative-initial sequences than stop-initial sequences, and onset occurred at higher levels of P(io) following the unaspirated stops of clusters compared to fricatives, affricates, and aspirated stops. The vowel effects were somewhat surprising: High vowels had an inhibitory effect at voicing offset (phonation ceasing at lower values of P(io)) in short-duration consonant sequences, but a facilitating effect on phonation onset that was consistent across consonantal contexts. The vowel influences appear to reflect a combination of vocal-fold characteristics and vocal-tract impedance.     

Perceptual cues to the voiced-voiceless distinction of final fricatives for listeners with impaired or with normal hearing

Cues to the voicing distinction for final /f,s,v,z/ were assessed for 24 impaired- and 11 normal-hearing listeners. In base-line tests the listeners identified the consonants in recorded /d circumflex C/ syllables. To assess the importance of various cues, tests were conducted of the syllables altered by deletion and/or temporal adjustment of segments containing acoustic patterns related to the voicing distinction for the fricatives. The results showed that decreasing the duration of /circumflex/ preceding /v/ or /z/, and lengthening the /circumflex/ preceding /f/ or /s/, considerably reduced the correctness of voicing perception for the hearing-impaired group, while showing no effect for the normal-hearing group. For the normals, voicing perception deteriorated for /f/ and /s/ when the frications were deleted from the syllables, and for /v/ and /z/ when the vowel offsets were removed from the syllables with duration-adjusted vowels and deleted frications. We conclude that some hearing-impaired listeners rely to a greater extent on vowel duration as a voicing cue than do normal-hearing listeners.     

Relation between voice-onset time and vowel duration.

As part of an investigation of the temporal implementation rules of English, measurements were made of voice-onset time for initial English stops and the duration of the following voiced vowel in monosyllabic words for New York City speakers. It was found that the VOT of a word-initial consonant was longer before a voiceless final cluster than before a single nasal, and longer before tense vowels than lax vowels. The vowels were also longer in environments where VOT was longer, but VOT did not maintain a constant ratio with the vowel duration, even for a single place of articulation. VOT was changed by a smaller proportion than the following voiced vowel in both cases. VOT changes associated with the vowel were consistent across place of articulation of the stop. In the final experiment, when vowel tensity and final consonant effects were combined, it was found that the proportion of vowel duration change that carried over to the preceding VOT is different for the two phonetic changes. These results imply that temporal implementation rules simultaneously influence several acoustic intervals including both VOT and the "inherent" interval corresponding to a segment, either by independent control of the relevant articulatory variables or by some unknown common mechanism.     

Effects of consonant environment on vowel formant patterns

A significant body of evidence has accumulated indicating that vowel identification is influenced by spectral change patterns. For example, a large-scale study of vowel formant patterns showed substantial improvements in category separability when a pattern classifier was trained on multiple samples of the formant pattern rather than a single sample at steady state [J. Hillenbrand et al., J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 97, 3099-3111 (1995)]. However, in the earlier study all utterances were recorded in a constant /hVd/ environment. The main purpose of the present study was to determine whether a close relationship between vowel identity and spectral change patterns is maintained when the consonant environment is allowed to vary. Recordings were made of six men and six women producing eight vowels (see text) in isolation and in CVC syllables. The CVC utterances consisted of all combinations of seven initial consonants (/h,b,d,g,p,t,k/) and six final consonants (/b,d,g,p,t,k/). Formant frequencies for F1-F3 were measured every 5 ms during the vowel using an interactive editing tool. Results showed highly significant effects of phonetic environment. As with an earlier study of this type, particularly large shifts in formant patterns were seen for rounded vowels in alveolar environments [K. Stevens and A. House, J. Speech Hear. Res. 6, 111-128 (1963)]. Despite these context effects, substantial improvements in category separability were observed when a pattern classifier incorporated spectral change information. Modeling work showed that many aspects of listener behavior could be accounted for by a fairly simple pattern classifier incorporating F0, duration, and two discrete samples of the formant pattern.     

Acoustic invariance in speech production: evidence from measurements of the spectral characteristics of stop consonants

On the basis of theoretical considerations and the results of experiments with synthetic consonant-vowel syllables, it has been hypothesized that the short-time spectrum sampled at the onset of a stop consonant should exhibit gross properties that uniquely specify the consonantal place of articulation independent of the following vowel. The aim of this paper is to test this hypothesis by measuring the spectrum sampled at the onsets and offsets of a large number of consonant-vowel (CV) and vowel-consonant (VC) syllables containing both voiced and voiceless stops produced by several speakers. Templates were devised in an attempt to capture three classes of spectral shapes: diffuse-rising, diffuse-falling, and compact, corresponding to alveolar, labial, and velar consonants, respectively. Spectra were derived from the utterances by sampling at the consonantal release of CV syllables and at the implosion and burst release of VC syllables, and these spectra (smoothed by a linear prediction algorithm) were matched against the templates. It was found that about 85% of the spectra at initial consonant release and at final burst release were correctly classified by the templates, although there was some variability across vowel contexts. The spectra sampled at the implosion were not consistently classified. A preliminary examination of spectra sampled at the release of nasal consonants in CV syllables showed a somewhat lower accuracy of classification by the same templates. Overall, the results support an hypothesis that, in natural speech, the acoustic characteristics of stop consonants, specified in terms of the gross spectral shape sampled at the discontinuity in the acoustic signal, show invariant properties independent of the adjacent vowel or of the voicing characteristics of the consonant. The implication is that the auditory system is endowed with detectors that are sensitive to these kinds of gross spectral shapes, and that the existence of these detectors helps the infant to organize the sounds of speech into their natural classes.