Perceptual differences between vowels located in a limited phonetic space

The perception of subphonemic differences between vowels was investigated using multidimensional scaling techniques. Three experiments were conducted with natural-sounding synthetic stimuli generated by linear predictive coding (LPC) formant synthesizers. In the first experiment, vowel sets near the pairs (i-I), (epsilon-ae), or (u-U) were synthesized containing 11 vowels each. Listeners judged the dissimilarities between all pairs of vowels within a set several times. These perceptual differences were mapped into distances between the vowels in an n-dimensional space using two-way multidimensional scaling. Results for each vowel set showed that the physical stimulus space, which was specified by the two parameters F1 and F2, was always mapped into a two-dimensional perceptual space. The best metric for modeling the perceptual distances was the Euclidean distance between F1 and F2 in barks. The second experiment investigated the perception of the same vowels from the first experiment, but embedded in a consonantal context. Following the same procedures as experiment 1, listeners' perception of the (bv) dissimilarities was not different from their perception of the isolated vowel dissimilarities. The third experiment investigated dissimilarity judgments for the three vowels (ae-alpha-lambda) located symmetrically in the F1 X F2 vowel space. While the perceptual space was again two dimensional, the influence of phonetic identity on vowel difference judgments was observed. Implications for determining metrics for subphonemic vowel differences using multidimensional scaling are discussed.     

A perceptual model of vowel recognition based on the auditory representation of American English vowels

A quantitative perceptual model of human vowel recognition based upon psychoacoustic and speech perception data is described. At an intermediate auditory stage of processing, the specific bark difference level of the model represents the pattern of peripheral auditory excitation as the distance in critical bands (barks) between neighboring formants and between the fundamental frequency (F0) and first formant (F1). At a higher, phonetic stage of processing, represented by the critical bark difference level of the model, the transformed vowels may be dichotomously classified based on whether the difference between formants in each dimension falls within or exceeds the critical distance of 3 bark for the spectral center of gravity effect [Chistovich et al., Hear. Res. 1, 185-195 (1979)]. Vowel transformations and classifications correspond well to several major phonetic dimensions and features by which vowels are perceived and traditionally classified. The F1-F0 dimension represents vowel height, and high vowels have F1-F0 differences within 3 bark. The F3-F2 dimension corresponds to vowel place of articulation, and front vowels have F3-F2 differences of less than 3 bark. As an inherent, speaker-independent normalization procedure, the model provides excellent vowel clustering while it greatly reduces between-speaker variability. It offers robust normalization through feature classification because gross binary categorization allows for considerable acoustic variability. There was generally less formant and bark difference variability for closely spaced formants than for widely spaced formants. These findings agree with independently observed perceptual results and support Stevens' quantal theory of vowel production and perceptual constraints on production predicted from the critical bark difference level of the model.     

Vowel recognition via cochlear implants and noise vocoders: effects of formant movement and duration

Previous work has demonstrated that normal-hearing individuals use fine-grained phonetic variation, such as formant movement and duration, when recognizing English vowels. The present study investigated whether these cues are used by adult postlingually deafened cochlear implant users, and normal-hearing individuals listening to noise-vocoder simulations of cochlear implant processing. In Experiment 1, subjects gave forced-choice identification judgments for recordings of vowels that were signal processed to remove formant movement and/or equate vowel duration. In Experiment 2, a goodness-optimization procedure was used to create perceptual vowel space maps (i.e., best exemplars within a vowel quadrilateral) that included F1, F2, formant movement, and duration. The results demonstrated that both cochlear implant users and normal-hearing individuals use formant movement and duration cues when recognizing English vowels. Moreover, both listener groups used these cues to the same extent, suggesting that postlingually deafened cochlear implant users have category representations for vowels that are similar to those of normal-hearing individuals.     

Perceptuomotor bias in the imitation of steady-state vowels

Previous studies suggest that speakers are systematically inaccurate, or biased, when imitating self-produced vowels. The direction of these biases in formant space and their variation may offer clues about the organization of the vowel perceptual space. To examine these patterns, three male speakers were asked to imitate 45 self-produced vowels that were systematically distributed in F1/F2 space. All three speakers showed imitation bias, and the bias magnitudes were significantly larger than those predicted by a model of articulatory noise. Each speaker showed a different pattern of bias directions, but the pattern was unrelated to the locations of prototypical vowels produced by that speaker. However, there were substantial quantitative regularities: (1) The distribution of imitation variability and bias magnitudes were similar for all speakers, (2) the imitation variability was independent of the bias magnitudes, and (3) the imitation variability (a production measure) was commensurate with the formant discrimination limen (a perceptual measure). These results indicate that there is additive Gaussian noise in the imitation process that independently affects each formant and that there are speaker-dependent and potentially nonlinguistic biases in vowel perception and production.     

Developmental study of vowel formant frequencies in an imitation task.

Imitations of ten synthesized vowels were recorded from 33 speakers including men, women, and children. The first three formant frequencies of the imitations were estimated from spectrograms and considered with respect to developmental patterns in vowel formant structure, uniform scale factors for vowel normalization, and formant variability. Strong linear effects were observed in the group data for imitations of most of the English vowels studied, and straight lines passing through the origin provided a satisfactory fit to linear F1--F2 plots of the English vowel data. Logarithmic transformations of the formant frequencies helped substantially to equalize the dispersion of the group data for different vowels, but formant scale factors were observed to vary somewhat with both formant number and vowel identity. Variability of formant frequency was least for F1 (s.d. of 60 Hz or less for English vowels of adult males) and about equal for F2 and F3 (s.d. of 100 Hz or less for English vowels of adult males).     

Similarities of vowels in nonreverberant and reverberant fields

Perceptual distances among single tokens of American English vowels were established for nonreverberant and reverberant conditions. Fifteen vowels in the phonetic context (b-t), embedded in the sentence "Mark the (b-t) again" were recorded by a male talker. For the reverberant condition, the sentences were played through a room with a reverberation time of 1.2 s. The CVC syllables were removed from the sentences and presented in pairs to ten subjects with audiometrically normal hearing, who judged the similarity of the syllable pairs separately for the nonreverberant and reverberant conditions. The results were analyzed by multidimensional scaling procedures, which showed that the perceptual data were accounted for by a three-dimensional vowel space. Correlations were obtained between the coordinates of the vowels along each dimension and selected acoustic parameters. For both conditions, dimensions 1 and 2 were highly correlated with formant frequencies F2 and F1, respectively, and dimension 3 was correlated with the product of the duration of the vowels and the difference between F3 and F1 expressed on the Bark scale. These observations are discussed in terms of the influence of reverberation on speech perception.     

Static, dynamic, and relational properties in vowel perception

The present work reviews theories and empirical findings, including results from two new experiments, that bear on the perception of English vowels, with an emphasis on the comparison of data analytic "machine recognition" approaches with results from speech perception experiments. Two major sources of variability (viz., speaker differences and consonantal context effects) are addressed from the classical perspective of overlap between vowel categories in F1 x F2 space. Various approaches to the reduction of this overlap are evaluated. Two types of speaker normalization are considered. "Intrinsic" methods based on relationships among the steady-state properties (F0, F1, F2, and F3) within individual vowel tokens are contrasted with "extrinsic" methods, involving the relationships among the formant frequencies of the entire vowel system of a single speaker. Evidence from a new experiment supports Ainsworth's (1975) conclusion [W. Ainsworth, Auditory Analysis and Perception of Speech (Academic, London, 1975)] that both types of information have a role to play in perception. The effects of consonantal context on formant overlap are also considered. A new experiment is presented that extends Lindblom and Studdert-Kennedy's finding [B. Lindblom and M. Studdert-Kennedy, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 43, 840-843 (1967)] of perceptual effects of consonantal context on vowel perception to /dVd/ and /bVb/ contexts. Finally, the role of vowel-inherent dynamic properties, including duration and diphthongization, is briefly reviewed. All of the above factors are shown to have reliable influences on vowel perception, although the relative weight of such effects and the circumstances that alter these weights remain far from clear. It is suggested that the design of more complex perceptual experiments, together with the development of quantitative pattern recognition models of human vowel perception, will be necessary to resolve these issues.     

The acoustic bases for gender identification from children's voices.

The purpose of this study was to examine the acoustic characteristics of children's speech and voices that account for listeners' ability to identify gender. In Experiment I, vocal recordings and gross physical measurements of 4-, 8-, 12-, and 16-year olds were taken (10 girls and 10 boys per age group). The speech sample consisted of seven nondiphthongal vowels of American English (/ae/ "had," /E/ "head," /i/ "heed," /I/ "hid," /a/ "hod," /inverted v/ "hud," and /u/ "who'd") produced in the carrier phrase, "Say /hVd/ again." Fundamental frequency (f0) and formant frequencies (F1, F2, F3) were measured from these syllables. In Experiment II, 20 adults rated the syllables produced by the children in Experiment I based on a six-point gender rating scale. The results from these experiments indicate (1) vowel formant frequencies differentiate gender for children as young as four years of age, while formant frequencies and f0 differentiate gender after 12 years of age, (2) the relationship between gross measures of physical size and vocal characteristics is apparent for at least 12- and 16-year olds, and (3) listeners can identify gender from the speech and voice of children as young as four years of age, and with respect to young children, listeners appear to base their gender ratings on vowel formant frequencies. The findings are discussed in relation to the development of gender identity and its perceptual representation in speech and voice.     

Perceptual confusions of high-pitched sung vowels

Questions exist as to the intelligibility of vowels sung at extremely high fundamental frequencies and, especially, when the fundamental frequency (F0) produced is above the region where the first vowel formant (F1) would normally occur. Can such vowels be correctly identified and, if so, does context provide the necessary information or are acoustical elements also operative? To this end, 18 professional singers (5 males and 13 females) were recorded when singing 3 isolated vowels at high and low pitches at both loud and soft levels. Aural-perceptual studies employing four types of auditors were carried out to determine the identity of these vowels, and the nature of the confusions with other vowels. Subsequent acoustical analysis focused on the actual fundamental frequencies sung plus those defining the first 2 vowel formants. It was found that F0 change had a profound effect on vowel perception; one of the more important observations was that the target tended to shift toward vowels with an F1 just above the sung frequency.     

Dynamic specification of coarticulated vowels

An adequate theory of vowel perception must account for perceptual constancy over variations in the acoustic structure of coarticulated vowels contributed by speakers, speaking rate, and consonantal context. We modified recorded consonant-vowel-consonant syllables electronically to investigate the perceptual efficacy of three types of acoustic information for vowel identification: (1) static spectral "targets," (2) duration of syllabic nuclei, and (3) formant transitions into and out of the vowel nucleus. Vowels in /b/-vowel-/b/ syllables spoken by one adult male (experiment 1) and by two females and two males (experiment 2) served as the corpus, and seven modified syllable conditions were generated in which different parts of the digitized waveforms of the syllables were deleted and the temporal relationships of the remaining parts were manipulated. Results of identification tests by untrained listeners indicated that dynamic spectral information, contained in initial and final transitions taken together, was sufficient for accurate identification of vowels even when vowel nuclei were attenuated to silence. Furthermore, the dynamic spectral information appeared to be efficacious even when durational parameters specifying intrinsic vowel length were eliminated.     

The Acoustic Effects of Vowel Equalization Training in Singers

Vowel equalization is a technique that can be used by singers to achieve a more balanced vocal resonance, or chiaroscuro, by balancing corresponding front and back vowels, which share approximate tongue heights, and also high and low vowels by means of a more neutral or centralized lingual posture. The goal of this single group study was to quantify acoustic changes in vowels after a brief training session in vowel equalization. Fifteen young adults with amateur singing experience sang a passage and sustained isolated vowels both before and after a 15-minute training session in vowel equalization. The first two formants of the target vowels /e, i, ɑ, o, u/ were measured from microphone recordings. An analysis of variance was used to test for changes in formant values after the training session. These formant values mostly changed in a manner reflective of a more central tongue posture. For the sustained vowels, all formant changes suggested a more neutral tongue position after the training session. The vowels in the singing passage mostly changed in the expected direction, with exceptions possibly attributable to coarticulation. The changes in the vowel formants indicated that even a brief training session can result in significant changes in vowel acoustics. Further work to explore the perceptual consequences of vowel equalization is warranted.     

Effects of roving level and spectral range on vowel formant discrimination

Thresholds of vowel formant discrimination for F1 and F2 of isolated vowels with full and partial vowel spectra were measured for normal-hearing listeners at fixed and roving speech levels. Performance of formant discrimination was significantly better for fixed levels than for roving levels with both full and partial spectra. The effect of vowel spectral range was present only for roving levels, but not for fixed levels. These results, consistent with studies of profile analysis, indicated different perceptual mechanisms for listeners to discriminate vowel formant frequency at fixed and roving levels.     

Acoustic correlates of the front/back vowel distinction: a comparison of transition onset versus "steady state"

This study investigated whether F2 and F3 transition onsets could encode the vowel place feature as well as F2 and F3 "steady-state" measures [Syrdal and Gopal, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 79, 1086-1100 (1986)]. Multiple comparisons were made using (a) scatterplots in multidimensional space, (b) critical band differences, and (c) linear discriminant functional analyses. Four adult male speakers produced /b/(v)/t/, /d/(v)/t/, and /g/(v)/t/ tokens with medial vowel contexts /i,I, E, ey, ae, a, v, c, o, u/. Each token was repeated in a random order five times, yielding a total of 150 tokens per subject. Formant measurements were taken at four loci: F2 onset, F2 vowel, F3 onset, and F3 vowel. Onset points coincided with the first glottal pulse following the release burst and steady-state measures were taken approximately 60-70 ms post-onset. Graphic analyses revealed two distinct, minimally overlapping subsets grouped by front versus back. This dichotomous grouping was also seen in two-dimensional displays using only "onset" data as coordinates. Conversion to a critical band (bark) scale confirmed that front vowels were characterized by F3-F2 bark differences within a critical 3-bark distance, while back vowels exceeded the 3-bark critical distance. Using the critical distance metric onset values categorized front vowels as well as steady-state measures, but showed a 20% error rate for back vowels. Front vowels had less variability than back vowels. Statistical separability was quantified with linear discriminant function analysis. Percent correct classification into vowel place groups was 87.5% using F2 and F3 onsets as input variables, and 95.7% using F2 and F3 vowel. Acoustic correlates of the vowel place feature are already present at second and third formant transition onsets.     

Absorption of reliable spectral characteristics in auditory perception

Several experiments are described in which synthetic monophthongs from series varying between /i/ and /u/ are presented following filtered precursors. In addition to F(2), target stimuli vary in spectral tilt by applying a filter that either raises or lowers the amplitudes of higher formants. Previous studies have shown that both of these spectral properties contribute to identification of these stimuli in isolation. However, in the present experiments we show that when a precursor sentence is processed by the same filter used to adjust spectral tilt in the target stimulus, listeners identify synthetic vowels on the basis of F(2) alone. Conversely, when the precursor sentence is processed by a single-pole filter with center frequency and bandwidth identical to that of the F(2) peak of the following vowel, listeners identify synthetic vowels on the basis of spectral tilt alone. These results show that listeners ignore spectral details that are unchanged in the acoustic context. Instead of identifying vowels on the basis of incorrect acoustic information, however (e.g., all vowels are heard as /i/ when second formant is perceptually ignored), listeners discriminate the vowel stimuli on the basis of the more informative spectral property.     

Formant movements of Dutch vowels in a text, read at normal and fast rate.

Speaking rate in general, and vowel duration more specifically, is thought to affect the dynamic structure of vowel formant tracks. To test this, a single, professional speaker read a long text at two different speaking rates, fast and normal. The present project investigated the extent to which the first and second formant tracks of eight Dutch vowels varied under the two different speaking rate conditions. A total of 549 pairs of vowel realizations from various contexts were selected for analysis. The formant track shape was assessed on a point-by-point basis, using 16 samples at the same relative positions in the vowels. Differences in speech rate only resulted in a uniform change in F1 frequency. Within each speaking rate, there was only evidence of a weak leveling off of the F1 tracks of the open vowels /a a/ with shorter durations. When considering sentence stress or vowel realizations from a more uniform, alveolar-vowel-alveolar context, these same conclusions were reached. These results indicate a much more active adaptation to speaking rate than implied by the target undershoot model.     

Formant frequencies in Estonian folk singing.

Formant frequencies in an old Estonian folk song performed by two female voices were estimated for two back vowels /a/ and /u/, and for two front vowels /e/ and /i/. Comparison of these estimates with formant frequencies in spoken Estonian vowels indicates a trend of the vowels to be clustered into two sets of front and back ones in the F1/F2 plane. Similar clustering has previously been shown to occur in opera and choir singing, especially with increasing fundamental frequency. The clustering in the present song, however, may also be due to a tendency for a mid vowel to be realized as a higher-beginning diphthong, which is characteristic of the North-Estonian coastal dialect area where the singers come from. No evidence of a "singer's formant" was found.     

Multimodal Standardization of Voice Among Four Multicultural Populations Formant Structures

A stratified random sample of 20 males and 20 females matched for physiologic factors and cultural-linguistic markers was examined to determine differences in formant frequencies during prolongation of three vowels: [a], [i], and [u]. The ethnic and gender breakdown included four sets of 5 male and 5 female subjects comprised of Caucasian and African American speakers of Standard American English, native Hindi Indian speakers, and native Mandarin Chinese speakers. Acoustic measures were analyzed using the Computerized Speech Lab (4300B) from which formant histories were extracted from a 200-ms sample of each vowel token to obtain first formant (F1), second formant (F2), and third formant (F3) frequencies. Significant group differences for the main effect of culture and race were found. For the main effect gender, sexual dimorphism in vowel formants was evidenced for all cultures and races across all three vowels. The acoustic differences found are attributed to cultural-linguistic factors.