English-learning infants' perception of word stress patterns

Adult speakers of different free stress languages (e.g., English, Spanish) differ both in their sensitivity to lexical stress and in their processing of suprasegmental and vowel quality cues to stress. In a head-turn preference experiment with a familiarization phase, both 8-month-old and 12-month-old English-learning infants discriminated between initial stress and final stress among lists of Spanish-spoken disyllabic nonwords that were segmentally varied (e.g. ['nila, 'tuli] vs [lu'ta, pu'ki]). This is evidence that English-learning infants are sensitive to lexical stress patterns, instantiated primarily by suprasegmental cues, during the second half of the first year of life.     

Acoustic characteristics of English lexical stress produced by native Mandarin speakers

Native speakers of Mandarin Chinese have difficulty producing native-like English stress contrasts. Acoustically, English lexical stress is multidimensional, involving manipulation of fundamental frequency (F0), duration, intensity and vowel quality. Errors in any or all of these correlates could interfere with perception of the stress contrast, but it is unknown which correlates are most problematic for Mandarin speakers. This study compares the use of these correlates in the production of lexical stress contrasts by 10 Mandarin and 10 native English speakers. Results showed that Mandarin speakers produced significantly less native-like stress patterns, although they did use all four acoustic correlates to distinguish stressed from unstressed syllables. Mandarin and English speakers' use of amplitude and duration were comparable for both stressed and unstressed syllables, but Mandarin speakers produced stressed syllables with a higher F0 than English speakers. There were also significant differences in formant patterns across groups, such that Mandarin speakers produced English-like vowel reduction in certain unstressed syllables, but not in others. Results suggest that Mandarin speakers' production of lexical stress contrasts in English is influenced partly by native-language experience with Mandarin lexical tones, and partly by similarities and differences between Mandarin and English vowel inventories.     

Adapting to suprasegmental lexical stress errors in foreign-accented speech

Can native listeners rapidly adapt to suprasegmental mispronunciations in foreign-accented speech? To address this question, an exposure-test paradigm was used to test whether Dutch listeners can improve their understanding of non-canonical lexical stress in Hungarian-accented Dutch. During exposure, one group of listeners heard a Dutch story with only initially stressed words, whereas another group also heard 28 words with canonical second-syllable stress (e.g., EEKhorn, "squirrel" was replaced by koNIJN "rabbit"; capitals indicate stress). The 28 words, however, were non-canonically marked by the Hungarian speaker with high pitch and amplitude on the initial syllable, both of which are stress cues in Dutch. After exposure, listeners' eye movements were tracked to Dutch target-competitor pairs with segmental overlap but different stress patterns, while they listened to new words from the same Hungarian speaker (e.g., HERsens, herSTEL, "brain," "recovery"). Listeners who had previously heard non-canonically produced words distinguished target-competitor pairs better than listeners who had only been exposed to Hungarian accent with canonical forms of lexical stress. Even a short exposure thus allows listeners to tune into speaker-specific realizations of words' suprasegmental make-up, and use this information for word recognition.     

Differential use of temporal cues to the /s/-/z/ contrast by native and non-native speakers of English

This study examined the effect of linguistic experience on perception of the English /s/-/z/ contrast in word-final position. The durations of the periodic ("vowel") and aperiodic ("fricative") portions of stimuli, ranging from peas to peace, were varied in a 5 X 5 factorial design. Forced-choice identification judgments were elicited from two groups of native speakers of American English differing in dialect, and from two groups each of native speakers of French, Swedish, and Finnish differing in English-language experience. The results suggested that the non-native subjects used cues established for the perception of phonetic contrasts in their native language to identify fricatives as /s/ or /z/. Lengthening vowel duration increased /z/ judgments in all eight subject groups, although the effect was smaller for native speakers of French than for native speakers of the other languages. Shortening fricative duration, on the other hand, significantly decreased /z/ judgments only by the English and French subjects. It did not influence voicing judgments by the Swedish and Finnish subjects, even those who had lived for a year or more in an English-speaking environment. These findings raise the question of whether adults who learn a foreign language can acquire the ability to integrate multiple acoustic cues to a phonetic contrast which does not exist in their native language.     

Compensation strategies for the perturbation of French [u] using a lip tube. II. Perceptual analysis.

A perceptual analysis of the French vowel [u] produced by 10 speakers under normal and perturbed conditions (Savariaux et al., 1995) is presented which aims at characterizing in the perceptual domain the task of a speaker for this vowel, and, then, at understanding the strategies developed by the speakers to deal with the lip perturbation. Identification and rating tests showed that the French [u] is perceptually fairly well described in the [F1, (F2-F0)] plane, and that the parameter (((F2-F0) + F1)/2) (all frequencies in bark) provides a good overall correlate of the "grave" feature classically used to describe the vowel [u] in all languages. This permitted reanalysis of the behavior of the speakers during the perturbation experiment. Three of them succeed in producing a good [u] in spite of the lip tube, thanks to a combination of limited changes on F1 and (F2-F0), but without producing the strong backward movement of the tongue, which would be necessary to keep the [F1,F2] pattern close to the one measured in normal speech. The only speaker who strongly moved his tongue back and maintained F1 and F2 at low values did not produce a perceptually well-rated [u], but additional tests demonstrate that this gesture allowed him to preserve the most important phonetic features of the French [u], which is primarily a back and rounded vowel. It is concluded that speech production is clearly guided by perceptual requirements, and that the speakers have a good representation of them, even if they are not all able to meet them in perturbed conditions.     

Vowel normalization for accent: an investigation of best exemplar locations in northern and southern British English sentences

Two experiments investigated whether listeners change their vowel categorization decisions to adjust to different accents of British English. Listeners from different regions of England gave goodness ratings on synthesized vowels embedded in natural carrier sentences that were spoken with either a northern or southern English accent. A computer minimization algorithm adjusted F1, F2, F3, and duration on successive trials according to listeners' goodness ratings, until the best exemplar of each vowel was found. The results demonstrated that most listeners adjusted their vowel categorization decisions based on the accent of the carrier sentence. The patterns of perceptual normalization were affected by individual differences in language background (e.g., whether the individuals grew up in the north or south of England), and were linked to the changes in production that speakers typically make due to sociolinguistic factors when living in multidialectal environments.     

A comparison of vowel normalization procedures for language variation research

An evaluation of vowel normalization procedures for the purpose of studying language variation is presented. The procedures were compared on how effectively they (a) preserve phonemic information, (b) preserve information about the talker's regional background (or sociolinguistic information), and (c) minimize anatomical/physiological variation in acoustic representations of vowels. Recordings were made for 80 female talkers and 80 male talkers of Dutch. These talkers were stratified according to their gender and regional background. The normalization procedures were applied to measurements of the fundamental frequency and the first three formant frequencies for a large set of vowel tokens. The normalization procedures were evaluated through statistical pattern analysis. The results show that normalization procedures that use information across multiple vowels ("vowel-extrinsic" information) to normalize a single vowel token performed better than those that include only information contained in the vowel token itself ("vowel-intrinsic" information). Furthermore, the results show that normalization procedures that operate on individual formants performed better than those that use information across multiple formants (e.g., "formant-extrinsic" F2-F1).     

Temporal characteristics of nasalization in children and adult speakers of American English and Korean during production of three vowel contexts

The purpose of this study was to identify and compare the temporal characteristics of nasalization in relation to (1) languages, (2) vowel contexts, and (3) age groups. Two distinct acoustic energies from the mouth and nose were recorded during speech production (/pamap, pimip, pumup/) using two microphones to obtain the absolute and proportional measurements on the acoustic temporal characteristics of nasalization. Twenty-eight normal adults (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) and 28 normal children (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) participated in this study. In both languages, adults showed shorter duration of nasalization than children within all three vowel contexts. The high vowel context revealed longer duration of nasalization than the low vowel context in both languages. There was no significant difference of temporal characteristics of nasalization between American English and Korean. Nasalization showed different timing characteristics between children and adults across vowel contexts. The results are discussed in association with developmental coarticulation and the relationship between acoustic consequences of articulatory events and vowel height.     

A study of sentence stress production in Mandarin speakers of American English

Acoustic characteristics of American English sentence stress produced by native Mandarin speakers are reported. Fundamental frequency (F0), vowel duration, and vowel intensity in the sentence-level stress produced by 40 Mandarin speakers were compared to those of 40 American English speakers. Results obtained from two methods of stress calculation indicated that Mandarin speakers of American English are able to differentiate stressed and unstressed words according to features of F0, duration, and intensity. Although the group of Mandarin speakers were able to signal stress in their sentence productions, the acoustic characteristics of stress were not identical to the American speakers. Mandarin speakers were found to produce stressed words with a significantly higher F0 and shorter duration compared to the American speakers. The groups also differed in production of unstressed words with Mandarin speakers using a higher F0 and greater intensity compared to American speakers. Although the acoustic differences observed may reflect an interference of L1 Mandarin in the production of L2 American English, the outcome of this study suggests no critical divergence between these speakers in the way they implement American English sentence stress.     

Cross-linguistic studies of children's and adults' vowel spaces

This study examines cross-linguistic variation in the location of shared vowels in the vowel space across five languages (Cantonese, American English, Greek, Japanese, and Korean) and three age groups (2-year-olds, 5-year-olds, and adults). The vowels /a/, /i/, and /u/ were elicited in familiar words using a word repetition task. The productions of target words were recorded and transcribed by native speakers of each language. For correctly produced vowels, first and second formant frequencies were measured. In order to remove the effect of vocal tract size on these measurements, a normalization approach that calculates distance and angular displacement from the speaker centroid was adopted. Language-specific differences in the location of shared vowels in the formant values as well as the shape of the vowel spaces were observed for both adults and children.     

Effect of speaking rate on vowel formant movements

The purpose of this experiment was to study the effects of changes in speaking rate on both the attainment of acoustic vowel targets and the relative time and speed of movements toward these presumed targets. Four speakers produced a number of different CVC and CVCVC utterances at slow and fast speaking rates. Spectrographic measurements showed that the midpoint format frequencies of the different vowels did not vary as a function of rate. However, for fast speech the onset frequencies of second formant transitions were closer to their target frequencies while CV transition rates remained essentially unchanged, indicating that movement toward the vowel simply began earlier for fast speech. Changes in both speaking rate and lexical stress had different effects. For stressed vowels, an increase in speaking rate was accompanied primarily by a decrease in duration. However, destressed vowels, even if they were of the same duration as quickly produced stressed vowels, were reduced in overall amplitude, fundamental frequency, and to some extent, vowel color. These results suggest that speaking rate and lexical stress are controlled by two different mechanisms.     

Cross-language differences in fundamental frequency range: a comparison of English and German

This paper presents a systematic comparison of various measures of f0 range in female speakers of English and German. F0 range was analyzed along two dimensions, level (i.e., overall f0 height) and span (extent of f0 modulation within a given speech sample). These were examined using two types of measures, one based on "long-term distributional" (LTD) methods, and the other based on specific landmarks in speech that are linguistic in nature ("linguistic" measures). The various methods were used to identify whether and on what basis or bases speakers of these two languages differ in f0 range. Findings yielded significant cross-language differences in both dimensions of f0 range, but effect sizes were found to be larger for span than for level, and for linguistic than for LTD measures. The linguistic measures also uncovered some differences between the two languages in how f0 range varies through an intonation contour. This helps shed light on the relation between intonational structure and f0 range.     

Linguistic contributions to speech-on-speech masking for native and non-native listeners: language familiarity and semantic content

This study examined whether speech-on-speech masking is sensitive to variation in the degree of similarity between the target and the masker speech. Three experiments investigated whether speech-in-speech recognition varies across different background speech languages (English vs Dutch) for both English and Dutch targets, as well as across variation in the semantic content of the background speech (meaningful vs semantically anomalous sentences), and across variation in listener status vis-a?-vis the target and masker languages (native, non-native, or unfamiliar). The results showed that the more similar the target speech is to the masker speech (e.g., same vs different language, same vs different levels of semantic content), the greater the interference on speech recognition accuracy. Moreover, the listener's knowledge of the target and the background language modulate the size of the release from masking. These factors had an especially strong effect on masking effectiveness in highly unfavorable listening conditions. Overall this research provided evidence that that the degree of target-masker similarity plays a significant role in speech-in-speech recognition. The results also give insight into how listeners assign their resources differently depending on whether they are listening to their first or second language.     

The function of Shp2 tyrosine phosphatase in the dispersal of acetylcholine receptor clusters

Background

Tone languages such as Thai and Mandarin Chinese use differences in fundamental frequency (F₀, pitch) to distinguish lexical meaning. Previous behavioral studies have shown that native speakers of a non-tone language have difficulty discriminating among tone contrasts and are sensitive to different F₀ dimensions than speakers of a tone language. The aim of the present ERP study was to investigate the effect of language background and training on the non-attentive processing of lexical tones. EEG was recorded from 12 adult native speakers of Mandarin Chinese, 12 native speakers of American English, and 11 Thai speakers while they were watching a movie and were presented with multiple tokens of low-falling, mid-level and high-rising Thai lexical tones. High-rising or low-falling tokens were presented as deviants among mid-level standard tokens, and vice versa. EEG data and data from a behavioral discrimination task were collected before and after a two-day perceptual categorization training task.

Results

Behavioral discrimination improved after training in both the Chinese and the English groups. Low-falling tone deviants versus standards elicited a mismatch negativity (MMN) in all language groups. Before, but not after training, the English speakers showed a larger MMN compared to the Chinese, even though English speakers performed worst in the behavioral tasks. The MMN was followed by a late negativity, which became smaller with improved discrimination. The High-rising deviants versus standards elicited a late negativity, which was left-lateralized only in the English and Chinese groups.

Conclusion

Results showed that native speakers of English, Chinese and Thai recruited largely similar mechanisms when non-attentively processing Thai lexical tones. However, native Thai speakers differed from the Chinese and English speakers with respect to the processing of late F₀ contour differences (high-rising versus mid-level tones). In addition, native speakers of a non-tone language (English) were initially more sensitive to F₀ onset differences (low-falling versus mid-level contrast), which was suppressed as a result of training. This result converges with results from previous behavioral studies and supports the view that attentive as well as non-attentive processing of F₀ contrasts is affected by language background, but is malleable even in adult learners.     

Predicting the intelligibility of vocoded and wideband Mandarin Chinese

Due to the limited number of cochlear implantees speaking Mandarin Chinese, it is extremely difficult to evaluate new speech coding algorithms designed for tonal languages. Access to an intelligibility index that could reliably predict the intelligibility of vocoded (and non-vocoded) Mandarin Chinese is a viable solution to address this challenge. The speech-transmission index (STI) and coherence-based intelligibility measures, among others, have been examined extensively for predicting the intelligibility of English speech but have not been evaluated for vocoded or wideband (non-vocoded) Mandarin speech despite the perceptual differences between the two languages. The results indicated that the coherence-based measures seem to be influenced by the characteristics of the spoken language. The highest correlation (r = 0.91-0.97) was obtained in Mandarin Chinese with a weighted coherence measure that included primarily information from high-intensity voiced segments (e.g., vowels) containing F0 information, known to be important for lexical tone recognition. In contrast, in English, highest correlation was obtained with a coherence measure that included information from weak consonants and vowel/consonant transitions. A band-importance function was proposed that captured information about the amplitude envelope contour. A higher modulation rate (100 Hz) was found necessary for the STI-based measures for maximum correlation (r = 0.94-0.96) with vocoded Mandarin and English recognition.     

An acoustic description of the vowels of northern and southern standard Dutch II: regional varieties

An analysis is presented of regional variation patterns in the vowel system of Standard Dutch as spoken in the Netherlands (Northern Standard Dutch) and Flanders (Southern Standard Dutch). The speech material consisted of read monosyllabic utterances in a neutral consonantal context (i.e., /sVs/). The analyses were based on measurements of the duration and the frequencies of the first two formants of the vowel tokens. Recordings were made for 80 Dutch and 80 Flemish speakers, who were stratified for the social factors gender and region. These 160 speakers were distributed across four regions in the Netherlands and four regions in Flanders. Differences between regional varieties were found for duration, steady-state formant frequencies, and spectral change of formant frequencies. Variation patterns in the spectral characteristics of the long mid vowels /e o ?/ and the diphthongal vowels /ei oey bacwards c u/ were in accordance with a recent theory of pronunciation change in Standard Dutch. Finally, it was found that regional information was present in the steady-state formant frequency measurements of vowels produced by professional language users.     

The role of perceived speaker identity in F0 normalization of vowels

In the experiments reported here, perceived speaker identity was controlled by manipulating the fundamental frequency (F0) range of carrier phrases in which speech tokens were embedded. In the first experiment, words from two "hood"-"hud" continua were synthesized with different F0. The words were then embedded in synthetic carrier phrases with intonation contours which reduced perceived speaker identity differences for test items with different F0. The results indicated that when perceived speaker identity differences were reduced, the effect of F0 on vowel identification was also reduced. Experiment 2 indicated that when items presented in carrier phrases are matched for speaker identity and F0 with items in isolation, there is no effect for presentation in a carrier phrase. Experiment 3 involved the presentation of vowels from the "hood"-"hud" continuum in two different intonational contexts which were judged to have been produced by different speakers, even though the F0 of the test word was identical in the two contexts. There was a shift in identification as a result of the intonational context which was interpreted as evidence for the role of perceived identity in vowel normalization. Overall, the experiments suggest that perceived speaker identity is a better predictor of vowel normalization effects than is intrinsic F0. This indicates that the role of F0 in vowel normalization is mediated through perceived speaker identity.     

Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.