Place cues for nasal consonants with special reference to Catalan

This study investigates the perceptual contributions of formant transitions and nasal murmurs to the identification of the unreleased Catalan nasal consonants [n], [n], [n] (alveolar, palatal, velar, respectively) after [a] in absolute final position. Transition and murmur patterns were synthesized and varied simultaneously and systematically by interpolating between optimal values obtained from spectrographic analysis of natural speech. Catalan subjects were asked to identify the synthetic stimuli as [n], [n], and [n]. The main findings were: (1) Although transitions provided more effective cues for place of articulation than murmurs, the murmurs did make a significant contribution to the [n]-[n] distinction. (2) The cue value of the transitions ([n] greater than [n], [n]) was inversely related to that of the murmurs ([n], [n] greater than [n]). It is concluded that static and dynamic place cues for nasals in an [aC#] context are perceptually integrated with reference to the typical pattern of production of these consonants.     

A study of jaw coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for Catalan consonants and vowels

The goal of this study is to investigate coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for the jaw in Catalan consonants and vowels and, more specifically, for the alveolopalatal nasal //[symbol see text]/ and for dark /l/ for which there is little or no data on jaw position and coarticulation. Jaw movement data for symmetrical vowel-consonant-vowel sequences with the consonants /p, n, l, s, ∫, [ symbol see text], k/ and the vowels /i, a, u/ were recorded by three Catalan speakers with a midsagittal magnetometer. Data reveal that jaw height is greater for /s, ∫/ than for /p, [see text]/, which is greater than for /n, l, k/ during the consonant, and for /i, u/ than for /a/ during the vowel. Differences in coarticulatory variability among consonants and vowels are inversely related to differences in jaw height, i.e., fricatives and high vowels are most resistant, and /n, l, k/ and the low vowel are least resistant. Moreover, coarticulation resistant phonetic segments exert more prominent effects and, thus, are more aggressive than segments specified for a lower degree of coarticulatory resistance. Data are discussed in the light of the degree of articulatory constraint model of coarticulation.     

Tongue movement kinematics in long and short Japanese consonants

This paper examines tongue movements in stop and fricative consonants where the duration of the oral closure/constriction for the consonant is varied for linguistic purposes. Native speakers of Japanese served as subjects. The linguistic material consisted of Japanese word pairs that only differed in the duration of the lingual consonant, which was either long or short. Recordings were made of tongue movements using a magnetometer system. Results show a robust difference in closure duration between the long and short consonants. Overall, the path of the tongue movement during the consonant was longer for the long than for the short consonant. All speakers decreased the speed of the tongue movement during the long consonant. These adjustments in tongue movements were most likely made to maintain the contact between the tongue and the palate for the closure and constriction.     

Lip kinematics in long and short stop and fricative consonants

This paper examines lip and jaw kinematics in the production of labial stop and fricative consonants where the duration of the oral closure/constriction is varied for linguistic purposes. The subjects were speakers of Japanese and Swedish, two languages that have a contrast between short and long consonants. Lip and jaw movements were recorded using a magnetometer system. Based on earlier work showing that the lips are moving at a high velocity at the oral closure, it was hypothesized that speakers could control closure/constriction duration by varying the position of a virtual target for the lips. According to this hypothesis, the peak vertical position of the lower lip during the oral closure/constriction should be higher for the long than for the short consonants. This would result in the lips staying in contact for a longer period. The results show that this is the case for the Japanese subjects and one Swedish subject who produced non-overlapping distributions of closure/ constriction duration for the two categories. However, the peak velocity of the lower lip raising movement did not differ between the two categories. Thus if the lip movements in speech are controlled by specifying a virtual target, that control must involve variations in both the position and the timing of the target.     

Influences of tongue biomechanics on speech movements during the production of velar stop consonants: a modeling study

This study explores the following hypothesis: forward looping movements of the tongue that are observed in VCV sequences are due partly to the anatomical arrangement of the tongue muscles, how they are used to produce a velar closure, and how the tongue interacts with the palate during consonantal closure. The study uses an anatomically based two-dimensional biomechanical tongue model. Tissue elastic properties are accounted for in finite-element modeling, and movement is controlled by constant-rate control parameter shifts. Tongue raising and lowering movements are produced by the model mainly with the combined actions of the genioglossus, styloglossus, and hyoglossus. Simulations of V1CV2 movements were made, where C is a velar consonant and V is [a], [i], or [u]. Both vowels and consonants are specified in terms of targets, but for the consonant the target is virtual, and cannot be reached because it is beyond the surface of the palate. If V1 is the vowel [a] or [u], the resulting trajectory describes a movement that begins to loop forward before consonant closure and continues to slide along the palate during the closure. This pattern is very stable when moderate changes are made to the specification of the target consonant location and agrees with data published in the literature. If V1 is the vowel [i], looping patterns are also observed, but their orientation was quite sensitive to small changes in the location of the consonant target. These findings also agree with patterns of variability observed in measurements from human speakers, but they contradict data published by Houde [Ph.D. dissertation (1967)]. These observations support the idea that the biomechanical properties of the tongue could be the main factor responsible for the forward loops when V1 is a back vowel, regardless of whether V2 is a back vowel or a front vowel. In the [i] context it seems that additional factors have to be taken into consideration in order to explain the observations made on some speakers.     

Phrase boundary effects on the temporal kinematics of sequential tongue tip consonants

This study evaluates the effects of phrase boundaries on the intra- and intergestural kinematic characteristics of blended gestures, i.e., overlapping gestures produced with a single articulator. The sequences examined are the juncture geminate [d(#)d], the sequence [d(#)z], and, for comparison, the singleton tongue tip gesture in [d(#)b]. This allows the investigation of the process of gestural aggregation [Munhall, K. G., and Lofqvist, A. (1992). "Gestural aggregation in speech: laryngeal gestures," J. Phonetics 20, 93-110] and the manner in which it is affected by prosodic structure. Juncture geminates are predicted to be affected by prosodic boundaries in the same way as other gestures; that is, they should display prosodic lengthening and lesser overlap across a boundary. Articulatory prosodic lengthening is also investigated using a signal alignment method of the functional data analysis framework [Ramsay, J. O., and Silverman, B. W. (2005). Functional Data Analysis, 2nd ed. (Springer-Verlag, New York)]. This provides the ability to examine a time warping function that characterizes relative timing difference (i.e., lagging or advancing) of a test signal with respect to a given reference, thus offering a way of illuminating local nonlinear deformations at work in prosodic lengthening. These findings are discussed in light of the pi-gesture framework of Byrd and Saltzman [(2003) "The elastic phrase: Modeling the dynamics of boundary-adjacent lengthening," J. Phonetics 31, 149-180].     

语音中元音和辅音的听觉感知研究

本文对语音中元音和辅音的听觉感知研究进行综述。80多年前基于无意义音节的权威实验结果表明辅音对人的听感知更为重要,由于实验者在学术上的成就和权威性,这一结论成为了常识,直到近20年前基于自然语句的实验挑战了这个结论并引发了新一轮的研究。本文主要围绕元音和辅音对语音感知的相对重要性、元音和辅音的稳态信息和边界动态信息对语音感知的影响以及相关研究的潜在应用等进行较为系统的介绍,最后给出了总结与展望。     

普通话四音节词和短语中声调协同发音模式

本文研究用正常重音念的普通话四音节词和短语的声调协同发音问题。本实验看到,声调协同发音对各音节声调起点和终点所引起的F₀扰动,一般地说,要大于音节中这些点处不同元音内在F₀的差异。至于声调协同发音,本实验看到,一般地说,声调协同发音是单向的,而且顺向作用只影响其后接声调的起点,逆向作用只影响前接声调的终点;声调协同发音引起的F₀扰动具有一定模式。声调协同发音受词重音模式所制约。声调协同发音还跟念词和短语的速度有关。     

Acoustic properties for place of articulation in nasal consonants

The goal of this study was to determine whether acoustic properties could be derived for English labial and alveolar nasal consonants that remain stable across vowel contexts, speakers, and syllable positions. In experiment I, critical band analyses were conducted of five tokens each of [m] and [n] followed by the vowels [i e a o u] spoken by three speakers. Comparison of the nature of the changes in the spectral patterns from the murmur to the release showed that, for labials, there was a greater change in energy in the region of Bark 5-7 relative to that of Bark 11-14, whereas, for alveolars, there was a greater change in energy from the murmur to the release in the region of Bark 11-14 relative to that of Bark 5-7. Quantitative analyses of each token indicated that over 89% of the utterances could be appropriately classified for place of articulation by comparing the proportion of energy change in these spectral regions. In experiment II, the spectral patterns of labial and alveolar nasals produced in the context of [s] + nasal ([ m n]) + vowel ([ i e a o u]) by two speakers were explored. The same analysis procedures were used as in experiment I. Eighty-four percent of the utterances were appropriately classified, although labial consonants were less consistently classified than in experiment I. The properties associated with nasal place of articulation found in this study are discussed in relation to those associated with place of articulation in stop consonants and are considered from the viewpoint of a more general theory of acoustic invariance.     

An approach to normalization of coarticulation effects for vowels in connected speech

A method is proposed to reduce the ambiguity of vowels in connected speech by normalizing the coarticulation effects. The method is applied to vowels in phonetic environments where great ambiguity would be likely to occur, taking as their features the first and second formant trajectories. The separability between vowel clusters is found to be greatly improved for the vowel samples. In addition, distribution of the vowels on a feature plane characterized by this method seems to reflect their perceptual nature when presented to listeners without isolation from their phonetic environments. The results suggest that the method proposed here is useful for automatic speech recognition and help infer some possible mechanisms underlying dynamic aspects of human speech recognition.     

Volterra Chain and Catalan Numbers

JETP Letters - We consider the Cauchy problem for the Volterra chain with an initial condition equal to 0 in one node and 1 in the others. It is shown that this problem admits an exact solution in...     

Relational spectral features for place of articulation in nasal consonants

Much recent research on acoustic cues for consonants' places of articulation has focused upon the nature of the rapid spectral changes that take place between signal portions corresponding to consonantal closure and adjacent vowels. The study reported here builds on the foundation laid by earlier studies that have explored techniques for representing spectral change and for classifying place of articulation of nasal consonants using features extracted from rapid spectral changes that take place over murmur-to-vowel transitions. A new procedure is reported that avoids the use of predetermined absolute frequency bands in deriving parameters of spectral change in nasals. In experiments using the speech of 20 female and 20 male talkers, in a variety of physical and perceptual spectral scalings, application of the new procedure results in 77% correct classification of place of articulation of syllable-initial nasals and 51% correct classification of place of articulation of syllable-final nasals (for which there is a three-way contrast). Tested on the same data, a technique using predetermined absolute frequency bands produced 72% correct classification of syllable-initial nasals.     

Detecting stop consonants in continuous speech

The problem of implementing a detector for stop consonants in continuously spoken speech is considered. The problem is posed as one of finding an optimal filter (linear or nonlinear) that operates on a particular appropriately chosen representation, and ideally outputs a 1 when a stop occurs and 0 otherwise. The performance of several variants of a canonical stop detector is discussed and its implications for human and machine speech recognition is considered.     

The perceptual effects of child-adult differences in fricative-vowel coarticulation

Earlier work [Nittrouer et al., J. Speech Hear. Res. 32, 120-132 (1989)] demonstrated greater evidence of coarticulation in the fricative-vowel syllables of children than in those of adults when measured by anticipatory vowel effects on the resonant frequency of the fricative back cavity. In the present study, three experiments showed that this increased coarticulation led to improved vowel recognition from the fricative noise alone: Vowel identification by adult listeners was better overall for children's productions and was successful earlier in the fricative noise. This enhanced vowel recognition for children's samples was obtained in spite of the fact that children's and adults' samples were randomized together, therefore indicating that listeners were able to normalize the vowel information within a fricative noise where there often was acoustic evidence of only one formant associated primarily with the vowel. Correct vowel judgments were found to be largely independent of fricative identification. However, when another coarticulatory effect, the lowering of the main spectral prominence of the fricative noise for /u/ versus /i/, was taken into account, vowel judgments were found to interact with fricative identification. The results show that listeners are sensitive to the greater coarticulation in children's fricative-vowel syllables, and that, in some circumstances, they do not need to make a correct identification of the most prominently specified phone in order to make a correct identification of a coarticulated one.     

Selective acoustic cues for French voiceless stop consonants

The objective of this study is to define selective cues that identify only certain realizations of a feature, more precisely the place of articulation of French unvoiced stops, but have every realization identified with a very high level of confidence. The method is based on the delimitation of "distinctive regions" for well chosen acoustic criteria, which contains some exemplars of a feature and (almost) no other exemplar of any other feature in competition. Selective cues, which correspond to distinctive regions, must not be combined with less reliable acoustic cues and their evaluation should be done on reliable elementary acoustic detector outputs. A set of selective cues has been defined for the identification of the place of /p,t,k/, and then tested on a corpus of sentences. The cues were estimated from formant transitions and the transient segment (an automatic segmentation of the transient part of the burst has been designed). About 38% of the feature realizations have been identified by selective cues on the basis of their very distinctive patterns. The error rate, which constitutes the crucial test of our approach, was 0.7%. This opens the way to interesting applications for the improvement of oral comprehension, lexical access, or automatic speech recognition.     

Positional targets for lingual consonants defined using electromagnetic articulography

The study examined the positional targets for lingual consonants defined using a point-parameterized approach with Wave (NDI, Waterloo, ON, Canada). The overall goal was to determine which consonants had unique tongue positions with respect to other consonants. Nineteen talkers repeated vowel-consonant-vowel (VCV) syllables that included consonants /t, d, s, z, , k, g/ in symmetrical vowel contexts /i, u, a/, embedded in a carrier phrase. Target regions for each consonant, characterized in terms of x,y,z tongue positions at the point of maximum tongue elevation, were extracted. Distances and overlaps were computed between all consonant pairs and compared to the distances and overlaps of their contextual targets. Cognates and postalveolar homorganics were found to share the location of their target regions. On average, alveolar stops showed distinctively different target regions than alveolar fricatives, which in turn showed different target region locations than the postalveolar consonants. Across talker variability in target locations was partially explained by differences in habitual speaking rate and hard palate characteristics.     

Effect of silence duration in intervocalic velar plosive on voicing perception for normal and hearing-impaired subjects

For normally hearing subjects shortening the silence duration of an intervocalic voiceless plosive induces a misperception of voicing. The time boundary for this effect is about 60 ms, which corresponds to a possible forward masking effect at the frequency of voicing. If recovery from masking is indeed involved, hearing-impaired subjects, who may have prolonged forward masking, can be expected to show abnormally long time boundary for voicing misperception. This study investigated the perception of voicing of an intervocalic plosive for a natural speech sample "aka" as a function of occlusive silence duration for normally hearing and hearing-impaired subjects. To investigate a correlation with forward masking, a second test was performed on the subjects. The same first a of the "aka" was selected and at its end was concatenated a voiced murmur taken from an "aga" elocution from the same speaker, and the minimum duration of the voiced murmur necessary for it to be perceived was measured. About half of the hearing-impaired subjects needed an abnormally long silence duration to avoid voicing misperception. The data indicate a significant correlation between the results of the two tests with a slope of regression line close to unity, and thus support the hypothesis of a voicing perception ruled by recovery from forward masking. Increase in silence duration of voiceless plosives might then be a beneficial acoustical processing for some hearing-impaired subjects.