Lip kinematics in long and short stop and fricative consonants

This paper examines lip and jaw kinematics in the production of labial stop and fricative consonants where the duration of the oral closure/constriction is varied for linguistic purposes. The subjects were speakers of Japanese and Swedish, two languages that have a contrast between short and long consonants. Lip and jaw movements were recorded using a magnetometer system. Based on earlier work showing that the lips are moving at a high velocity at the oral closure, it was hypothesized that speakers could control closure/constriction duration by varying the position of a virtual target for the lips. According to this hypothesis, the peak vertical position of the lower lip during the oral closure/constriction should be higher for the long than for the short consonants. This would result in the lips staying in contact for a longer period. The results show that this is the case for the Japanese subjects and one Swedish subject who produced non-overlapping distributions of closure/ constriction duration for the two categories. However, the peak velocity of the lower lip raising movement did not differ between the two categories. Thus if the lip movements in speech are controlled by specifying a virtual target, that control must involve variations in both the position and the timing of the target.     

Tongue movement kinematics in long and short Japanese consonants

This paper examines tongue movements in stop and fricative consonants where the duration of the oral closure/constriction for the consonant is varied for linguistic purposes. Native speakers of Japanese served as subjects. The linguistic material consisted of Japanese word pairs that only differed in the duration of the lingual consonant, which was either long or short. Recordings were made of tongue movements using a magnetometer system. Results show a robust difference in closure duration between the long and short consonants. Overall, the path of the tongue movement during the consonant was longer for the long than for the short consonant. All speakers decreased the speed of the tongue movement during the long consonant. These adjustments in tongue movements were most likely made to maintain the contact between the tongue and the palate for the closure and constriction.     

Interarticulator programming in VCV sequences: lip and tongue movements

This study examined the temporal phasing of tongue and lip movements in vowel-consonant-vowel sequences where the consonant is a bilabial stop consonant /p, b/ and the vowels one of /i, a, u/; only asymmetrical vowel contexts were included in the analysis. Four subjects participated. Articulatory movements were recorded using a magnetometer system. The onset of the tongue movement from the first to the second vowel almost always occurred before the oral closure. Most of the tongue movement trajectory from the first to the second vowel took place during the oral closure for the stop. For all subjects, the onset of the tongue movement occurred earlier with respect to the onset of the lip closing movement as the tongue movement trajectory increased. The influence of consonant voicing and vowel context on interarticulator timing and tongue movement kinematics varied across subjects. Overall, the results are compatible with the hypothesis that there is a temporal window before the oral closure for the stop during which the tongue movement can start. A very early onset of the tongue movement relative to the stop closure together with an extensive movement before the closure would most likely produce an extra vowel sound before the closure.     

A three-dimensional model of tongue movement based on ultrasound and x-ray microbeam data

Point-tracking techniques provide timing information about structural movements of the tongue. Imaging techniques provide information about cross-sectional and pharyngeal tongue shape and movement. This study joined these techniques in a single subject. Five pellets on the tongue surface were tracked using x-ray microbeam, and the midsagittal and coronal planes of the tongue were imaged using real-time ultrasound. The speech materials were the consonants [s] and [l] and the vowels [i], [a], and [o] combined in VCVCe utterances. Analyses concentrated on the difference in tongue movements related to the two consonants. A model of tongue movement was developed, in which critical features of consonant shape and position dominated the tongue opening movement. In this model, the tongue is divided into subdivisions termed "functional segments" in both the sagittal and coronal planes. Movements of the functional segments created observable opening movement patterns.     

Influences of tongue biomechanics on speech movements during the production of velar stop consonants: a modeling study

This study explores the following hypothesis: forward looping movements of the tongue that are observed in VCV sequences are due partly to the anatomical arrangement of the tongue muscles, how they are used to produce a velar closure, and how the tongue interacts with the palate during consonantal closure. The study uses an anatomically based two-dimensional biomechanical tongue model. Tissue elastic properties are accounted for in finite-element modeling, and movement is controlled by constant-rate control parameter shifts. Tongue raising and lowering movements are produced by the model mainly with the combined actions of the genioglossus, styloglossus, and hyoglossus. Simulations of V1CV2 movements were made, where C is a velar consonant and V is [a], [i], or [u]. Both vowels and consonants are specified in terms of targets, but for the consonant the target is virtual, and cannot be reached because it is beyond the surface of the palate. If V1 is the vowel [a] or [u], the resulting trajectory describes a movement that begins to loop forward before consonant closure and continues to slide along the palate during the closure. This pattern is very stable when moderate changes are made to the specification of the target consonant location and agrees with data published in the literature. If V1 is the vowel [i], looping patterns are also observed, but their orientation was quite sensitive to small changes in the location of the consonant target. These findings also agree with patterns of variability observed in measurements from human speakers, but they contradict data published by Houde [Ph.D. dissertation (1967)]. These observations support the idea that the biomechanical properties of the tongue could be the main factor responsible for the forward loops when V1 is a back vowel, regardless of whether V2 is a back vowel or a front vowel. In the [i] context it seems that additional factors have to be taken into consideration in order to explain the observations made on some speakers.     

M-Mode Color Doppler Ultrasonic Imaging of Vertical Tongue Movement During Articulatory Movement

To observe and estimate the movement of the tongue, ultrasonic investigation is the most harmless real-time monitoring procedure for analyzing articulatory movements. Color Doppler ultrasonic imaging is special in that it can only sample a moving target, and it can indicate the velocity and direction of the target by color and brightness in real time. This study assessed and demonstrated the validity of M-mode color Doppler ultrasonic imaging to observe the movements of the tongue during syllable repetition tasks performed by normal subjects and dysarthric patients, those affected by amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, cerebellar ataxia, Parkinsonism, and polymyopathy. When the transducer was set below the jaw, upward movement was indicated by a blue signal and downward movement was indicated by a red one on the screen of the ultrasound machine. We also measured the velocity of the tongue by contrast scale classified by 15 degrees. Thus, we could observe vertical tongue movement by a color-coded pattern after quantitative analysis. The Doppler signal patterns of normal subjects were verified by simultaneous video x-ray fluorography recordings. The findings for dysarthric patients corresponded well with previously reported features analyzed by other methods. Therefore, color Doppler ultrasonic imaging of the tongue is a useful procedure to researchers for clinical speech and voice studies.     

Managing the distinctiveness of phonemic nasal vowels: articulatory evidence from Hindi

There is increasing evidence that fine articulatory adjustments are made by speakers to reinforce and sometimes counteract the acoustic consequences of nasality. However, it is difficult to attribute the acoustic changes in nasal vowel spectra to either oral cavity configuration or to velopharyngeal opening (VPO). This paper takes the position that it is possible to disambiguate the effects of VPO and oropharyngeal configuration on the acoustic output of the vocal tract by studying the position and movement of the tongue and lips during the production of oral and nasal vowels. This paper uses simultaneously collected articulatory, acoustic, and nasal airflow data during the production of all oral and phonemically nasal vowels in Hindi (four speakers) to understand the consequences of the movements of oral articulators on the spectra of nasal vowels. For Hindi nasal vowels, the tongue body is generally lowered for back vowels, fronted for low vowels, and raised for front vowels (with respect to their oral congeners). These movements are generally supported by accompanying changes in the vowel spectra. In Hindi, the lowering of back nasal vowels may have originally served to enhance the acoustic salience of nasality, but has since engendered a nasal vowel chain shift.     

Control of rate and duration of speech movements

A computerized pulsed-ultrasound system was used to monitor tongue dorsum movements during the production of consonant-vowel sequences in which speech rate, vowel, and consonant were varied. The kinematics of tongue movement were analyzed by measuring the lowering gesture of the tongue to give estimates of movement amplitude, duration, and maximum velocity. All three subjects in the study showed reliable correlations between the amplitude of the tongue dorsum movement and its maximum velocity. Further, the ratio of the maximum velocity to the extent of the gesture, a kinematic indicator of articulator stiffness, was found to vary inversely with the duration of the movement. This relationship held both within individual conditions and across all conditions in the study such that a single function was able to accommodate a large proportion of the variance due to changes in movement duration. As similar findings have been obtained both for abduction and adduction gestures of the vocal folds and for rapid voluntary limb movements, the data suggest that a wide range of changes in the duration of individual movements might all have a similar origin. The control of movement rate and duration through the specification of biomechanical characteristics of speech articulators is discussed.     

Economy of effort in different speaking conditions. II. Kinematic performance spaces for cyclical and speech movements

This study was designed to test the hypothesis that the kinematic manipulations used by speakers in different speaking conditions are influenced by kinematic performance limits. A range of kinematic parameter values was elicited by having seven subjects produce cyclical CV movements of lips, tongue blade and tongue dorsum (/ba/, /da/, /ga/), at rates ranging from 1 to 6 Hz. The resulting measures were used to establish speaker- and articulator-specific kinematic performance spaces, defined by movement duration, displacement and peak speed. These data were compared with speech movement data produced by the subjects in several different speaking conditions in the companion study (Perkell et al., 2002). The amount of overlap of the speech data and cyclical data varied across speakers, from almost no overlap to complete overlap. Generally, for a given movement duration, speech movements were larger than cyclical movements, indicating that the speech movements were faster and were produced with greater effort, according to the performance space analysis. It was hypothesized that the cyclical movements of the tongue and lips were slower than the speech movements because they were more constrained by (coupled to) the relatively massive mandible. To test this hypothesis, a comparison was made of cyclical movements in maxillary versus mandibular frames of reference. The results indicate that the cyclical movements were not strongly constrained by mandible movements. The overall results generally indicate that the cyclical task did not succeed in defining the upper limits of kinematic performance spaces within which the speech data were confined. Thus, the hypothesis that performance limits influence speech kinematics could not be tested effectively. The differences between the speech and cyclical movements may be due to other factors, such as differences in speakers' "skill" with the two types of movement, or the size of the movements--the speech movements were larger, probably because of a well-defined target for the primary, stressed vowel.     

Enlargement of the supraglottal cavity and its relation to stop consonant voicing

Measurements were made of saggital plane movements of the larynx, soft palate, and portions of the tongue, from a high-speed cinefluorographic film of utterances produced by one adult male speaker of American English. These measures were then used to approximate the temporal variations in supraglottal cavity volume during the closures of voiced and voiceless stop consonants. All data were subsequently related to a synchronous acoustic recording of the utterances. Instances of /p,t,k/ were always accompanied by silent closures, and sometimes accompanied by decreases in supraglottal volume. In contrast, instances of /b,d,g/ were always accompanied both by significant intervals of vocal fold vibration during closure, and relatively large increases in supraglottal volume. However, the magnitudes of volume increments during the voiced stops, and the means by which those increments were achieved, differed considerably across place of articulation and phonetic environment. These results are discussed in the context of a well-known model of the breath-stream control mechanism, and their relevance for a general theory of speech motor control is considered.     

Control of phonemic length contrast and speech rate in vocalic and consonantal syllable nuclei

This paper investigates the mechanisms controlling the phonemic quantity contrast and speech rate in nonsense p(1)Np(2)a words read by five Slovak speakers in normal and fast speech rate. N represents a syllable nucleus, which in Slovak corresponds to long and short vowels and liquid consonants. The movements of the lips and the tongue were recorded with an electromagnetometry system. Together with the acoustic durations of p(1), N, and p(2), gestural characteristics of three core movements were extracted: p(1) lip opening, tongue movement for (N)ucleus, and p(2) lip closing. The results show that, although consonantal and vocalic nuclei are predictably different on many kinematic measures, their common phonological behavior as syllabic nuclei may be linked to a stable temporal coordination of the consonantal gestures flanking the nucleus. The functional contrast between phonemic duration and speech rate was reflected in the bias in the control mechanisms they employed: the strategies robustly used for signaling phonemic duration, such as the degree of coproduction of the two lip movements, showed a minimal effect of speech rate, while measures greatly affected by speech rate, such as p(2) acoustic duration, or the degree of p(1)-N gestural coproduction, tended to be minimally influenced by phonemic quantity.     

Vowel-related tongue movements in speech: straight or curved paths? (L)

This paper examines tongue movements between the two vowels in sequences of vowel-labial consonant-vowel, addressing the question whether the movement is a straight line or a curved path. Native speakers of Japanese and Italian served as subjects. The linguistic material consisted of words where the bilabial consonant was either long or short. The inclusion of words with different consonant lengths was motivated by earlier findings that the tongue movement is often longer when the consonant is long, which may be due to a more curved movement path. Tongue movements were recorded using a three-transmitter magnetometer system. To assess the movement path, the movement magnitude was calculated in two ways, as a straight line, the Euclidean distance, and as the actual path, obtained by summing the individual Euclidean distances between successive samples from movement onset to offset. The ratio between the path and the Euclidean distance is 1 when the movement is a straight line and greater than 1 when the path is curved. Results show that in virtually all 21 cases examined the ratio was very close to 1 and in most cases 1.2 or less. There was no reliable influence of consonant length on the ratio.     

Kinematic and electromyographic responses to perturbation of the jaw

The task-dependent organization of sensorimotor mechanisms during the production of speech was investigated using a perturbation paradigm. Six subjects received unanticipated jaw perturbations before and during tongue elevation for [aedae], in which the lips do not participate, and bilabial closure for [aebae], in which the tongue does not participate. A strain gauge system was used to monitor inferior-superior displacements of the upper lip, lower lip, and jaw, while hooked-wire electrodes monitored muscle activity in various muscles of the lips, jaw, and tongue. Results indicated significant compensatory kinematic adjustments to jaw perturbations in the lips and/or jaw during [aebae], but no labial compensations during [aedae] (with the exception of one subject). EMG responses were inconsistent and not necessarily indicative of the kinematic findings. Individual subjects responded to perturbations reliably but differently, using different combinations of involved articulators to achieve bilabial closure and lingua-alveolar contact. The current study supports earlier research which suggests that the components of the motor system are flexibly assembled, based on the requirements of the specific task. That is, compensatory responses to sensory information occur only when such responses are functionally necessary.     

Laryngeal Gestures During Stop Production Using High-Speed Digital Images

On acoustic and fiberscopic studies of stop consonants, voice onset time and glottal width have been shown to be greatest in heavily aspirated stops, next greater for slightly aspirated stops, and least for unaspirated stops. Integrated activity of the thyroarytenoid and posterior cricoarytenoid muscles has been reported to be involved in differentiating aspirate characteristics of the stops. However, the fine movement of mucosal edges of vocal folds during the production of stops has not been well documented. In recent years, a new method for high-speed digital recording of laryngeal dynamics has made this possible. In the current study, the movements of vocal fold edges were documented during the period of stop production using a fiberscopic system of high-speed digital images. By observing the glottal width and the visual vibratory movements of vocal folds before voice onset, the heavily aspirated stop was characterized as being more prominent and dynamic than the slightly aspirated and unaspirated stops.     

Influence of following context on perception of the voiced-voiceless distinction in syllable-final stop consonants

This paper reports acoustic measurements and results from a series of perceptual experiments on the voiced-voiceless distinction for syllable-final stop consonants in absolute final position and in the context of a following syllable beginning with a different stop consonant. The focus is on temporal cues to the distinction, with vowel duration and silent closure duration as the primary and secondary dimensions, respectively. The main results are that adding a second syllable to a monosyllable increases the number of voiced stop consonant responses, as does shortening of the closure duration in disyllables. Both of these effects are consistent with temporal regularities in speech production: Vowel durations are shorter in the first syllable of disyllables than in monosyllables, and closure durations are shorter for voiced than for voiceless stops in disyllabic utterances of this type. While the perceptual effects thus may derive from two separate sources of tacit phonetic knowledge available to listeners, the data are also consistent with an interpretation in terms of a single effect; one of temporal proximity of following context.     

Lingual kinematics and coarticulation for alveolopalatal and velar consonants in Catalan

Vertical lingual movement data for the alveolopalatal consonants /?/ and /?/ and for the dorsovelar consonant /k/ in Catalan /aCa/ sequences produced by three speakers reveal that the tongue body travels a smaller distance at a slower speed and in a longer time during the lowering period extending from the consonant into the following vowel (CV) than during the rising period extending from the preceding vowel into the consonant (VC). For two speakers, two-phase trajectories characterized by two successive velocity peaks occur more frequently during the former period than during the latter, whether associated with tongue blade and dorsum (for alveolopalatals) or with the tongue dorsum articulator alone (for velars). Greater tongue dorsum involvement for /?/ and /k/ than for /?/ accounts for a different kinematic relationship between the four articulatory phases. The lingual gesture for alveolopalatals and, less so, that for velars may exert more prominent spatial and temporal effects on V2 than on V1 which is in agreement with the salience of the C-to-V carryover component associated with these consonants according to previous coarticulation studies. These kinematic and coarticulation data may be attributed to tongue dorsum biomechanics to a large extent.     

Interarticulator cohesion within coronal consonant production

If more than one articulator is involved in the execution of a phonetic task, then the individual articulators have to be temporally coordinated with each other in a lawful manner. The present study aims at analyzing tongue-jaw cohesion in the temporal domain for the German coronal consonants [s, f, t, d, n, l], i.e., consonants produced with the same set of articulators--the tongue blade and the jaw--but differing in manner of articulation. The stability of obtained interaction patterns is evaluated by varying the degree of vocal effort: comfortable and loud. Tongue and jaw movements of five speakers of German were recorded by means of electromagnetic midsagittal articulography (EMMA) during [aCa] sequences. The results indicate that (1) tongue-jaw coordination varies with manner of articulation, i.e., a later onset and offset of the jaw target for the stops compared to the fricatives, the nasal and the lateral; (2) the obtained patterns are stable across vocal effort conditions; (3) the sibilants are produced with smaller standard deviations for latencies and target positions; and (4) adjustments to the lower jaw positions during the surrounding vowels in loud speech occur during the closing and opening movement intervals and not the consonantal target phases.     

Interacting effects of syllable and phrase position on consonant articulation

The complexities of how prosodic structure, both at the phrasal and syllable levels, shapes speech production have begun to be illuminated through studies of articulatory behavior. The present study contributes to an understanding of prosodic signatures on articulation by examining the joint effects of phrasal and syllable position on the production of consonants. Articulatory kinematic data were collected for five subjects using electromagnetic articulography (EMA) to record target consonants (labial, labiodental, and tongue tip), located in (1) either syllable final or initial position and (2) either at a phrase edge or phrase medially. Spatial and temporal characteristics of the consonantal constriction formation and release were determined based on kinematic landmarks in the articulator velocity profiles. The results indicate that syllable and phrasal position consistently affect the movement duration; however, effects on displacement were more variable. For most subjects, the boundary-adjacent portions of the movement (constriction release for a preboundary coda and constriction formation for a postboundary onset) are not differentially affected in terms of phrasal lengthening-both lengthen comparably.     

Effects of speaking rate on tongue position and velocity of movement in vowel production

This study used glossometry to examine the position of the tongue and the velocity of its movements in vowels spoken normally and at a self-selected fast rate. The subject in experiment 1 showed lingual undershoot for stressed vowels in "a big again" and "a bob again." The tongue was lower for /I/ and higher for /a/ at the fast rate than at the normal rate. The stressed vowels exerted an affect on unstressed vowels: The tongue was lower in the schwas that preceded and followed /a/ than /I/. Only one of the three subjects in experiment 2 showed no lingual undershoot for fast-rate /I/. The tongue was higher at the fast rate than at the normal rate in the schwas flanking /I/ so that the displacement was less at the fast rate than at the normal rate. Another talker increased the peak velocity of tongue movements at the fast rate and showed no undershoot for /a/. Multiple regression analyses showed that the timing of movements for successive phonetic segments accounted well for undershoot in only one of the three subjects. The results suggest that in order to model the effects of speaking rate on the tongue movements used in forming stressed vowels, it will be necessary to take into account: (1) how much vowels are shortened at a fast rate: (2) how much the peak velocity of tongue movements is increased, if at all; and (3) the position of the tongue before and after the stressed vowels. All three factors are likely to be influenced by how clearly the talker wishes to speak.     

Effects of prosodic boundary on /aC/ sequences: articulatory results

This study presents EMA (electromagnetic articulography) data on articulation of the vowel /a/ at different prosodic boundaries in French. Three speakers of metropolitan French produced utterances containing the vowel /a/, preceded by /t/ and followed by one of six consonants /b d g f s S/ (three stops and three fricatives), with different prosodic boundaries intervening between the /a/ and the six different consonants. The prosodic boundaries investigated are the Utterance, the Intonational phrase, the Accentual phrase, and the Word. Data for the Tongue Tip, Tongue Body, and Jaw are presented. The articulatory data presented here were recorded at the same time as the acoustic data presented in Tabain [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 113, 516-531 (2003)]. Analyses show that there is a strong effect on peak displacement of the vowel according to the prosodic hierarchy, with the stronger prosodic boundaries inducing a much lower Tongue Body and Jaw position than the weaker prosodic boundaries. Durations of both the opening movement into and the closing movement out of the vowel are also affected. Peak velocity of the articulatory movements is also examined, and, contrary to results for phrase-final lengthening, it is found that peak velocity of the opening movement into the vowel tends to increase with the higher prosodic boundaries, together with the increased magnitude of the movement between the consonant and the vowel. Results for the closing movement out of the vowel and into the consonant are not so clear. Since one speaker shows evidence of utterance-level articulatory declension, it is suggested that the competing constraints of articulatory declension and prosodic effects might explain some previous results on phrase-final lengthening.