An EMA study of VCV coarticulatory direction

This study addresses three issues that are relevant to coarticulation theory in speech production: whether the degree of articulatory constraint model (DAC model) accounts for patterns of the directionality of tongue dorsum coarticulatory influences; the extent to which those patterns in tongue dorsum coarticulatory direction are similar to those for the tongue tip; and whether speech motor control and phonemic planning use a fixed or a context-dependent temporal window. Tongue dorsum and tongue tip movement data on vowel-to-vowel coarticulation are reported for Catalan VCV sequences with vowels /i/, /a/, and /u/, and consonants /p/, /n/, dark /l/, /s/, /S/, alveolopalatal /n/ and /k/. Electromidsagittal articulometry recordings were carried out for three speakers using the Carstens articulograph. Trajectory data are presented for the vertical dimension for the tongue dorsum, and for the horizontal dimension for tongue dorsum and tip. In agreement with predictions of the DAC model, results show that directionality patterns of tongue dorsum coarticulation can be accounted for to a large extent based on the articulatory requirements on consonantal production. While dorsals exhibit analogous trends in coarticulatory direction for all articulators and articulatory dimensions, this is mostly so for the tongue dorsum and tip along the horizontal dimension in the case of lingual fricatives and apicolaminal consonants. This finding results from different articulatory strategies: while dorsal consonants are implemented through homogeneous tongue body activation, the tongue tip and tongue dorsum act more independently for more anterior consonantal productions. Discontinuous coarticulatory effects reported in the present investigation suggest that phonemic planning is adaptative rather than context independent.     

A comparison of intergestural patterns in deaf and hearing adult speakers: implications from an acoustic analysis of disyllables.

Coarticulation studies in speech of deaf individuals have so far focused on intrasyllabic patterning of various consonant-vowel sequences. In this study, both inter- and intrasyllabic patterning were examined in disyllables /symbol see text #CVC/ and the effects of phonetic context, speaking rate, and segment type were explored. Systematic observation of F2 and durational measurements in disyllables minimally contrasting in vocalic ([i], [u,][a]) and in consonant ([b], [d]) context, respectively, was made at selected locations in the disyllable, in order to relate inferences about articulatory adjustments with their temporal coordinates. Results indicated that intervocalic coarticulation across hearing and deaf speakers varied as a function of the phonetic composition of disyllables (b_b or d_d). The deaf speakers showed reduced intervocalic coarticulation for bilabial but not for alveolar disyllables compared to the hearing speakers. Furthermore, they showed less marked consonant influences on the schwa and stressed vowel of disyllables compared to the hearing controls. Rate effects were minimal and did not alter the coarticulatory patterns observed across hearing status. The above findings modify the conclusions drawn from previous studies and suggest that the speech of deaf and hearing speakers is guided by different gestural organization.     

Lingual kinematics and coarticulation for alveolopalatal and velar consonants in Catalan

Vertical lingual movement data for the alveolopalatal consonants /?/ and /?/ and for the dorsovelar consonant /k/ in Catalan /aCa/ sequences produced by three speakers reveal that the tongue body travels a smaller distance at a slower speed and in a longer time during the lowering period extending from the consonant into the following vowel (CV) than during the rising period extending from the preceding vowel into the consonant (VC). For two speakers, two-phase trajectories characterized by two successive velocity peaks occur more frequently during the former period than during the latter, whether associated with tongue blade and dorsum (for alveolopalatals) or with the tongue dorsum articulator alone (for velars). Greater tongue dorsum involvement for /?/ and /k/ than for /?/ accounts for a different kinematic relationship between the four articulatory phases. The lingual gesture for alveolopalatals and, less so, that for velars may exert more prominent spatial and temporal effects on V2 than on V1 which is in agreement with the salience of the C-to-V carryover component associated with these consonants according to previous coarticulation studies. These kinematic and coarticulation data may be attributed to tongue dorsum biomechanics to a large extent.     

Acoustic analyses and perceptual data on anticipatory labial coarticulation in adults and children

The present study investigated anticipatory labial coarticulation in the speech of adults and children. CV syllables, composed of [s], [t], and [d] before [i] and [u], were produced by four adult speakers and eight child speakers aged 3-7 years. Each stimulus was computer edited to include only the aperiodic portion of fricative-vowel and stop-vowel syllables. LPC spectra were then computed for each excised segment. Analyses of the effect of the following vowel on the spectral peak associated with the second formant frequency and on the characteristic spectral prominence for each consonant were performed. Perceptual data were obtained by presenting the aperiodic consonantal segments to subjects who were instructed to identify the following vowel as [i] or [u]. Both the acoustic and the perceptual data show strong coarticulatory effects for the adults and comparable, although less consistent, coarticulation in the speech stimuli of the children. The results are discussed in terms of the articulatory and perceptual aspects of coarticulation in language learning.     

Compensation for coarticulation, /u/-fronting, and sound change in standard southern British: an acoustic and perceptual study

The aim of the study was to establish whether /u/-fronting, a sound change in progress in standard southern British, could be linked synchronically to the fronting effects of a preceding anterior consonant both in speech production and speech perception. For the production study, which consisted of acoustic analyses of isolated monosyllables produced by two different age groups, it was shown for younger speakers that /u/ was phonetically fronted and that the coarticulatory influence of consonants on /u/ was less than in older speakers. For the perception study, responses were elicited from the same subjects to two minimal word-pair continua that differed in the direction of the consonants' coarticulatory fronting effects on /u/. Consistent with their speech production, young listeners' /u/ category boundary was shifted toward /i/ and they compensated perceptually less for the fronting effects of the consonants on /u/ than older listeners. The findings support Ohala's model in which certain sound changes can be linked to the listener's failure to compensate for coarticulation. The results are also shown to be consistent with episodic models of speech perception in which phonological frequency effects bring about a realignment of the variants of a phonological category in speech production and perception.     

Perception and production of English vowels by Mandarin speakers: age-related differences vary with amount of L2 exposure

In this study we assessed age-related differences in the perception and production of American English (AE) vowels by native Mandarin speakers as a function of the amount of exposure to the target language. Participants included three groups of native Mandarin speakers: 87 children, adolescents and young adults living in China, 77 recent arrivals who had lived in the U.S. for two years or less, and 54 past arrivals who had lived in the U.S. between three and five years. The latter two groups arrived in the U.S. between the ages of 7 and 44 years. Discrimination of six AE vowel pairs /i-i/, /i-e(I)/, /e-ae/, /ae-a/, /a-(symbol see text)/, and /u-a/ was assessed with a categorial AXB task. Production of the eight vowels /i, i, e(I), e, ae, (symbol see text), a, u/ was assessed with an immediate imitation task. Age-related differences in performance accuracy changed from an older-learner advantage among participants in China, to no age differences among recent arrivals, and to a younger-learner advantage among past arrivals. Performance on individual vowels and vowel contrasts indicated the influence of the Mandarin phonetic/phonological system. These findings support a combined environmental and L1 interference/transfer theory as an explanation of the long-term younger-learner advantage in mastering L2 phonology.     

An acoustic description of the vowels of Northern and Southern Standard Dutch

A database is presented of measurements of the fundamental frequency, the frequencies of the first three formants, and the duration of the 15 vowels of Standard Dutch as spoken in the Netherlands (Northern Standard Dutch) and in Belgium (Southern Standard Dutch). The speech material consisted of read monosyllabic utterances in a neutral consonantal context (i.e., /sVs/). Recordings were made for 20 female talkers and 20 male talkers, who were stratified for the factors age, gender, and region. Of the 40 talkers, 20 spoke Northern Standard Dutch and 20 spoke Southern Standard Dutch. The results indicated that the nine monophthongal Dutch vowels /a [see symbol in text] epsilon i I [see symbol in text] u y Y/ can be separated fairly well given their steady-state characteristics, while the long mid vowels /e o ?/ and three diphthongal vowels /epsilon I [see symbol in text]u oey/ also require information about their dynamic characteristics. The analysis of the formant values indicated that Northern Standard Dutch and Southern Standard Dutch differ little in the formant frequencies at steady-state for the nine monophthongal vowels. Larger differences between these two language varieties were found for the dynamic specifications of the three long mid vowels, and, to a lesser extent, of the three diphthongal vowels.     

Target spectral, dynamic spectral, and duration cues in infant perception of German vowels

Previous studies of vowel perception have shown that adult speakers of American English and of North German identify native vowels by exploiting at least three types of acoustic information contained in consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) syllables: target spectral information reflecting the articulatory target of the vowel, dynamic spectral information reflecting CV- and -VC coarticulation, and duration information. The present study examined the contribution of each of these three types of information to vowel perception in prelingual infants and adults using a discrimination task. Experiment 1 examined German adults' discrimination of four German vowel contrasts (see text), originally produced in /dVt/ syllables, in eight experimental conditions in which the type of vowel information was manipulated. Experiment 2 examined German-learning infants' discrimination of the same vowel contrasts using a comparable procedure. The results show that German adults and German-learning infants appear able to use either dynamic spectral information or target spectral information to discriminate contrasting vowels. With respect to duration information, the removal of this cue selectively affected the discriminability of two of the vowel contrasts for adults. However, for infants, removal of contrastive duration information had a larger effect on the discrimination of all contrasts tested.     

The perceptual effects of child-adult differences in fricative-vowel coarticulation

Earlier work [Nittrouer et al., J. Speech Hear. Res. 32, 120-132 (1989)] demonstrated greater evidence of coarticulation in the fricative-vowel syllables of children than in those of adults when measured by anticipatory vowel effects on the resonant frequency of the fricative back cavity. In the present study, three experiments showed that this increased coarticulation led to improved vowel recognition from the fricative noise alone: Vowel identification by adult listeners was better overall for children's productions and was successful earlier in the fricative noise. This enhanced vowel recognition for children's samples was obtained in spite of the fact that children's and adults' samples were randomized together, therefore indicating that listeners were able to normalize the vowel information within a fricative noise where there often was acoustic evidence of only one formant associated primarily with the vowel. Correct vowel judgments were found to be largely independent of fricative identification. However, when another coarticulatory effect, the lowering of the main spectral prominence of the fricative noise for /u/ versus /i/, was taken into account, vowel judgments were found to interact with fricative identification. The results show that listeners are sensitive to the greater coarticulation in children's fricative-vowel syllables, and that, in some circumstances, they do not need to make a correct identification of the most prominently specified phone in order to make a correct identification of a coarticulated one.     

Coarticulatory influences on the perceived height of nasal vowels

Certain of the complex spectral effects of vowel nasalization bear a resemblance to the effects of modifying the tongue or jaw position with which the vowel is produced. Perceptual evidence suggests that listener misperceptions of nasal vowel height arise as a result of this resemblance. Whereas previous studies examined isolated nasal vowels, this research focused on the role of phonetic context in shaping listeners' judgments of nasal vowel height. Identification data obtained from native American English speakers indicated that nasal coupling does not necessarily lead to listener misperceptions of vowel quality when the vowel's nasality is coarticulatory in nature. The perceived height of contextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVnd] environment) did not differ from that of oral vowels (in a [bVd] environment) produced with the same tongue-jaw configuration. In contrast, corresponding noncontextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVd] environment) were perceived as lower in quality than vowels in the other two conditions. Presumably the listeners' lack of experience with distinctive vowel nasalization prompted them to resolve the spectral effects of noncontextual nasalization in terms of tongue or jaw height, rather than velic height. The implications of these findings with respect to sound changes affecting nasal vowel height are also discussed.     

Superior lateral pharyngeal wall movements in speech

Medial movements of the lateral pharyngeal wall at the level of the velopharyngeal port were examined by using a computerized ultrasound system. Subjects produced CVNVC sequences involving all combinations of the vowels /a/ and /u/ and the nasal consonants /n/ and /m/. The effects of both vowels on the CVN and NVC gestures (opening and closing of the velopharyngeal port, respectively) were assessed in terms of movement amplitude, duration, and movement onset time. The amplitude of both opening and closing gestures of the lateral pharyngeal wall was less in the context of the vowel /u/ than the vowel /a/. In addition, the onset of the opening gesture towards the nasal consonant was related to the identity of both the initial and the final vowels. The characteristics of the functional coupling of the velum and lateral pharyngeal wall in speech are discussed.     

Evolving theories of vowel perception

Research on the perception of vowels in the last several years has given rise to new conceptions of vowels as articulatory, acoustic, and perceptual events. Starting from a "simple" target model in which vowels were characterized articulatorily as static vocal tract shapes and acoustically as points in a first and second formant (F1/F2) vowel space, this paper briefly traces the evolution of vowel theory in the 1970s and 1980s in two directions. (1) Elaborated target models represent vowels as target zones in perceptual spaces whose dimensions are specified as formant ratios. These models have been developed primarily to account for perceivers' solution of the "speaker normalization" problem. (2) Dynamic specification models emphasize the importance of formant trajectory patterns in specifying vowel identity. These models deal primarily with the problem of "target undershoot" associated with the coarticulation of vowels with consonants in natural speech and with the issue of "vowel-inherent spectral change" or diphthongization of English vowels. Perceptual studies are summarized that motivate these theoretical developments.     

Effects of consonant environment on vowel formant patterns

A significant body of evidence has accumulated indicating that vowel identification is influenced by spectral change patterns. For example, a large-scale study of vowel formant patterns showed substantial improvements in category separability when a pattern classifier was trained on multiple samples of the formant pattern rather than a single sample at steady state [J. Hillenbrand et al., J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 97, 3099-3111 (1995)]. However, in the earlier study all utterances were recorded in a constant /hVd/ environment. The main purpose of the present study was to determine whether a close relationship between vowel identity and spectral change patterns is maintained when the consonant environment is allowed to vary. Recordings were made of six men and six women producing eight vowels (see text) in isolation and in CVC syllables. The CVC utterances consisted of all combinations of seven initial consonants (/h,b,d,g,p,t,k/) and six final consonants (/b,d,g,p,t,k/). Formant frequencies for F1-F3 were measured every 5 ms during the vowel using an interactive editing tool. Results showed highly significant effects of phonetic environment. As with an earlier study of this type, particularly large shifts in formant patterns were seen for rounded vowels in alveolar environments [K. Stevens and A. House, J. Speech Hear. Res. 6, 111-128 (1963)]. Despite these context effects, substantial improvements in category separability were observed when a pattern classifier incorporated spectral change information. Modeling work showed that many aspects of listener behavior could be accounted for by a fairly simple pattern classifier incorporating F0, duration, and two discrete samples of the formant pattern.     

Cross-sectional tongue shape during the production of vowels

This study used ultrasound imaging to examine the cross-sectional shape of the tongue during the production of the ten English vowels ( see text ) in two consonant contexts--/p/ and /s/--and at two scan angles--anterior and posterior. Results were compared with models of sagittal tongue shape. A newly built transducer holder and head restraint maintained the ultrasound transducer in a fixed position inferior to the mandible at a chosen location and angle. The transducer was free to move only in a superior/inferior direction, and demonstrated reliable tracking of the jaw. Since the tongue is anisotrophic along its length, anterior and posterior scan angles were examined to identify differences in tongue shape. Similarly, the coarticulatory effects of the sibilant /s/ versus the bilabial /p/ were examined, to assess variability of intrinsic tongue shape for the vowels. Results showed that the subject's midsagittal tongue grooving was almost universal for the vowels. Posterior grooves were deeper than anterior grooves. In /s/ context, posterior tongue grooves were shallower than in /p/ context. Anteriorly, /s/ context caused deeper grooves for low vowels. Cross-sectional tongue shape varied with tongue position similarly to sagittal tongue shape.     

Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.     

VCVs vs CVCs for stop/fricative distinctions by hearing-impaired and normal-hearing listeners

Moderately to profoundly hearing-impaired (n = 30) and normal-hearing (n = 6) listeners identified [p, k, t, f, theta, s] in [symbol; see text], and [symbol; see text]s tokens extracted from spoken sentences. The [symbol; see text]s were also identified in the sentences. The hearing-impaired group distinguished stop/fricative manner more poorly for [symbol; see text] in sentences than when extracted. Further, the group's performance for extracted [symbol; see text] was poorer than for extracted [symbol; see text] and [symbol; see text]. For the normal-hearing group, consonant identification was similar among the syllable and sentence contexts.     

Effects of consonantal context on perceptual assimilation of American English vowels by Japanese listeners

This study investigated the extent to which adult Japanese listeners' perceived phonetic similarity of American English (AE) and Japanese (J) vowels varied with consonantal context. Four AE speakers produced multiple instances of the 11 AE vowels in six syllabic contexts /b-b, b-p, d-d, d-t, g-g, g-k/ embedded in a short carrier sentence. Twenty-four native speakers of Japanese were asked to categorize each vowel utterance as most similar to one of 18 Japanese categories [five one-mora vowels, five two-mora vowels, plus/ei, ou/ and one-mora and two-mora vowels in palatalized consonant CV syllables, C(j)a(a), C(j)u(u), C(j)o(o)]. They then rated the "category goodness" of the AE vowel to the selected Japanese category on a seven-point scale. None of the 11 AE vowels was assimilated unanimously to a single J response category in all context/speaker conditions; consistency in selecting a single response category ranged from 77% for /eI/ to only 32% for /ae/. Median ratings of category goodness for modal response categories were somewhat restricted overall, ranging from 5 to 3. Results indicated that temporal assimilation patterns (judged similarity to one-mora versus two-mora Japanese categories) differed as a function of the voicing of the final consonant, especially for the AE vowels, /see text/. Patterns of spectral assimilation (judged similarity to the five J vowel qualities) of /see text/ also varied systematically with consonantal context and speakers. On the basis of these results, it was predicted that relative difficulty in the identification and discrimination of AE vowels by Japanese speakers would vary significantly as a function of the contexts in which they were produced and presented.     

Formant discrimination in noise for isolated vowels

Formant discrimination for isolated vowels presented in noise was investigated for normal-hearing listeners. Discrimination thresholds for F1 and F2, for the seven American English vowels /i, I, epsilon, ae, [symbol see text], a, u/, were measured under two types of noise, long-term speech-shaped noise (LTSS) and multitalker babble, and also under quiet listening conditions. Signal-to-noise ratios (SNR) varied from -4 to +4 dB in steps of 2 dB. All three factors, formant frequency, signal-to-noise ratio, and noise type, had significant effects on vowel formant discrimination. Significant interactions among the three factors showed that threshold-frequency functions depended on SNR and noise type. The thresholds at the lowest levels of SNR were highly elevated by a factor of about 3 compared to those in quiet. The masking functions (threshold vs SNR) were well described by a negative exponential over F1 and F2 for both LTSS and babble noise. Speech-shaped noise was a slightly more effective masker than multitalker babble, presumably reflecting small benefits (1.5 dB) due to the temporal variation of the babble.     

Acoustic and perceptual effects of changes in vocal tract constrictions for vowels.

The purpose of this study was to use vocal tract simulation and synthesis as means to determine the acoustic and perceptual effects of changing both the cross-sectional area and location of vocal tract constrictions for six different vowels: Area functions at and near vocal tract constrictions are considered critical to the acoustic output and are also the central point of hypotheses concerning speech targets. Area functions for the six vowels, [symbol: see text] were perturbed by changing the cross-sectional area of the constriction (Ac) and the location of the constriction (Xc). Perturbations for Ac were performed for different values of Xc, producing several series of acoustic continua for the different vowels. Acoustic simulations for the different area functions were made using a frequency domain model of the vocal tract. Each simulated vowel was then synthesized as a 1-s duration steady-state segment. The phoneme boundaries of the perturbed synthesized vowels were determined by formal perception tests. Results of the perturbation analyses showed that formants for each of the vowels were more sensitive to changes in constriction cross-sectional area than changes in constriction location. Vowel perception, however, was highly resistant to both types of changes. Results are discussed in terms of articulatory precision and constriction-related speech production strategies.