Acoustic and perceptual similarity of North German and American English vowels

Current theories of cross-language speech perception claim that patterns of perceptual assimilation of non-native segments to native categories predict relative difficulties in learning to perceive (and produce) non-native phones. Cross-language spectral similarity of North German (NG) and American English (AE) vowels produced in isolated hVC(a) (di)syllables (study 1) and in hVC syllables embedded in a short sentence (study 2) was determined by discriminant analyses, to examine the extent to which acoustic similarity was predictive of perceptual similarity patterns. The perceptual assimilation of NG vowels to native AE vowel categories by AE listeners with no German language experience was then assessed directly. Both studies showed that acoustic similarity of AE and NG vowels did not always predict perceptual similarity, especially for "new" NG front rounded vowels and for "similar" NG front and back mid and mid-low vowels. Both acoustic and perceptual similarity of NG and AE vowels varied as a function of the prosodic context, although vowel duration differences did not affect perceptual assimilation patterns. When duration and spectral similarity were in conflict, AE listeners assimilated vowels on the basis of spectral similarity in both prosodic contexts.     

Cross-language perceptual similarity predicts categorial discrimination of American vowels by naïve Japanese listeners

Current speech perception models propose that relative perceptual difficulties with non-native segmental contrasts can be predicted from cross-language phonetic similarities. Japanese (J) listeners performed a categorical discrimination task in which nine contrasts (six adjacent height pairs, three front/back pairs) involving eight American (AE) vowels [i?, ?, ε, ??, ɑ?, ?, ?, u?] in /hVb?/ disyllables were tested. The listeners also completed a perceptual assimilation task (categorization as J vowels with category goodness ratings). Perceptual assimilation patterns (quantified as categorization overlap scores) were highly predictive of discrimination accuracy (r(s)=0.93). Results suggested that J listeners used both spectral and temporal information in discriminating vowel contrasts.     

Effects of consonantal context on perceptual assimilation of American English vowels by Japanese listeners

This study investigated the extent to which adult Japanese listeners' perceived phonetic similarity of American English (AE) and Japanese (J) vowels varied with consonantal context. Four AE speakers produced multiple instances of the 11 AE vowels in six syllabic contexts /b-b, b-p, d-d, d-t, g-g, g-k/ embedded in a short carrier sentence. Twenty-four native speakers of Japanese were asked to categorize each vowel utterance as most similar to one of 18 Japanese categories [five one-mora vowels, five two-mora vowels, plus/ei, ou/ and one-mora and two-mora vowels in palatalized consonant CV syllables, C(j)a(a), C(j)u(u), C(j)o(o)]. They then rated the "category goodness" of the AE vowel to the selected Japanese category on a seven-point scale. None of the 11 AE vowels was assimilated unanimously to a single J response category in all context/speaker conditions; consistency in selecting a single response category ranged from 77% for /eI/ to only 32% for /ae/. Median ratings of category goodness for modal response categories were somewhat restricted overall, ranging from 5 to 3. Results indicated that temporal assimilation patterns (judged similarity to one-mora versus two-mora Japanese categories) differed as a function of the voicing of the final consonant, especially for the AE vowels, /see text/. Patterns of spectral assimilation (judged similarity to the five J vowel qualities) of /see text/ also varied systematically with consonantal context and speakers. On the basis of these results, it was predicted that relative difficulty in the identification and discrimination of AE vowels by Japanese speakers would vary significantly as a function of the contexts in which they were produced and presented.     

Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.     

Across-talker effects on non-native listeners' vowel perception in noise

This study explored how across-talker differences influence non-native vowel perception. American English (AE) and Korean listeners were presented with recordings of 10 AE vowels in /bVd/ context. The stimuli were mixed with noise and presented for identification in a 10-alternative forced-choice task. The two listener groups heard recordings of the vowels produced by 10 talkers at three signal-to-noise ratios. Overall the AE listeners identified the vowels 22% more accurately than the Korean listeners. There was a wide range of identification accuracy scores across talkers for both AE and Korean listeners. At each signal-to-noise ratio, the across-talker intelligibility scores were highly correlated for AE and Korean listeners. Acoustic analysis was conducted for 2 vowel pairs that exhibited variable accuracy across talkers for Korean listeners but high identification accuracy for AE listeners. Results demonstrated that Korean listeners' error patterns for these four vowels were strongly influenced by variability in vowel production that was within the normal range for AE talkers. These results suggest that non-native listeners are strongly influenced by across-talker variability perhaps because of the difficulty they have forming native-like vowel categories.     

Cross-language acoustic similarity predicts perceptual assimilation of Canadian English and Canadian French vowels

Monolingual Peruvian Spanish listeners identified natural tokens of the Canadian French (CF) and Canadian English (CE) /?/ and /?/, produced in five consonantal contexts. The results demonstrate that while the CF vowels were mapped to two different native vowels, /e/ and /a/, in all consonantal contexts, the CE contrast was mapped to the single native vowel /a/ in four out of five contexts. Linear discriminant analysis revealed that acoustic similarity between native and target language vowels was a very good predictor of context-specific perceptual mappings. Predictions are made for Spanish learners of the /?/-/?/ contrast in CF and CE.     

Acoustic variability within and across German, French, and American English vowels: phonetic context effects

Cross-language perception studies report influences of speech style and consonantal context on perceived similarity and discrimination of non-native vowels by inexperienced and experienced listeners. Detailed acoustic comparisons of distributions of vowels produced by native speakers of North German (NG), Parisian French (PF) and New York English (AE) in citation (di)syllables and in sentences (surrounded by labial and alveolar stops) are reported here. Results of within- and cross-language discriminant analyses reveal striking dissimilarities across languages in the spectral/temporal variation of coarticulated vowels. As expected, vocalic duration was most important in differentiating NG vowels; it did not contribute to PF vowel classification. Spectrally, NG long vowels showed little coarticulatory change, but back/low short vowels were fronted/raised in alveolar context. PF vowels showed greater coarticulatory effects overall; back and front rounded vowels were fronted, low and mid-low vowels were raised in both sentence contexts. AE mid to high back vowels were extremely fronted in alveolar contexts, with little change in mid-low and low long vowels. Cross-language discriminant analyses revealed varying patterns of spectral (dis)similarity across speech styles and consonantal contexts that could, in part, account for AE listeners' perception of German and French front rounded vowels, and "similar" mid-high to mid-low vowels.     

The influence of noise on vowel and consonant cues

This study assessed the acoustic and perceptual effect of noise on vowel and stop-consonant spectra. Multi-talker babble and speech-shaped noise were added to vowel and stop stimuli at -5 to +10 dB S/N, and the effect of noise was quantified in terms of (a) spectral envelope differences between the noisy and clean spectra in three frequency bands, (b) presence of reliable F1 and F2 information in noise, and (c) changes in burst frequency and slope. Acoustic analysis indicated that F1 was detected more reliably than F2 and the largest spectral envelope differences between the noisy and clean vowel spectra occurred in the mid-frequency band. This finding suggests that in extremely noisy conditions listeners must be relying on relatively accurate F1 frequency information along with partial F2 information to identify vowels. Stop consonant recognition remained high even at -5 dB despite the disruption of burst cues due to additive noise, suggesting that listeners must be relying on other cues, perhaps formant transitions, to identify stops.     

Assimilation and contrast in the phonetic perception of vowels.

The perceptual mechanisms of assimilation and contrast in the phonetic perception of vowels were investigated. In experiment 1, 14 stimulus continua were generated using an /i/-/e/-/a/ vowel continuum. They ranged from a continuum with both ends belonging to the same phonemic category in Japanese, to a continuum with both ends belonging to different phonemic categories. The AXB method was employed and the temporal position of X was changed under three conditions. In each condition ten subjects were required to judge whether X was similar to A or to B. The results demonstrated that assimilation to the temporally closer sound occurs if the phonemic categories of A and B are the same and that contrast to the temporally closer sound occurs if A and B belong to different phonemic categories. It was observed that the transition from assimilation to contrast is continuous except in the /i'/-X-/e/ condition. In experiment 2, the total duration of t 1 (between A and X) and t 2 (between X and B) was changed under five conditions. One stimulus continuum consisted of the same phonemic category in Japanese and the other consisted of different phonemic categories. Six subjects were required to make similarity judgements of X. The results demonstrated that the occurrence of assimilation and contrast to the temporally closer sound seemed to be constant under each of the five conditions. The present findings suggest that assimilation and contrast are determined by three factors: the temporal position of the three stimuli, the acoustic distance between the three stimuli on the stimulus continuum, and the phonemic categories of the three stimuli.     

Perceptual differences between vowels located in a limited phonetic space

The perception of subphonemic differences between vowels was investigated using multidimensional scaling techniques. Three experiments were conducted with natural-sounding synthetic stimuli generated by linear predictive coding (LPC) formant synthesizers. In the first experiment, vowel sets near the pairs (i-I), (epsilon-ae), or (u-U) were synthesized containing 11 vowels each. Listeners judged the dissimilarities between all pairs of vowels within a set several times. These perceptual differences were mapped into distances between the vowels in an n-dimensional space using two-way multidimensional scaling. Results for each vowel set showed that the physical stimulus space, which was specified by the two parameters F1 and F2, was always mapped into a two-dimensional perceptual space. The best metric for modeling the perceptual distances was the Euclidean distance between F1 and F2 in barks. The second experiment investigated the perception of the same vowels from the first experiment, but embedded in a consonantal context. Following the same procedures as experiment 1, listeners' perception of the (bv) dissimilarities was not different from their perception of the isolated vowel dissimilarities. The third experiment investigated dissimilarity judgments for the three vowels (ae-alpha-lambda) located symmetrically in the F1 X F2 vowel space. While the perceptual space was again two dimensional, the influence of phonetic identity on vowel difference judgments was observed. Implications for determining metrics for subphonemic vowel differences using multidimensional scaling are discussed.     

Vowel normalization for accent: an investigation of best exemplar locations in northern and southern British English sentences

Two experiments investigated whether listeners change their vowel categorization decisions to adjust to different accents of British English. Listeners from different regions of England gave goodness ratings on synthesized vowels embedded in natural carrier sentences that were spoken with either a northern or southern English accent. A computer minimization algorithm adjusted F1, F2, F3, and duration on successive trials according to listeners' goodness ratings, until the best exemplar of each vowel was found. The results demonstrated that most listeners adjusted their vowel categorization decisions based on the accent of the carrier sentence. The patterns of perceptual normalization were affected by individual differences in language background (e.g., whether the individuals grew up in the north or south of England), and were linked to the changes in production that speakers typically make due to sociolinguistic factors when living in multidialectal environments.     

Native dialect influences second-language vowel perception: Peruvian versus Iberian Spanish learners of Dutch

Peruvian Spanish (PS) and Iberian Spanish (IS) learners were tested on their ability to categorically discriminate and identify Dutch vowels. It was predicted that the acoustic differences between the vowel productions of the two dialects, which compare differently to Dutch vowels, would manifest in differential L2 perception for listeners of these two dialects. The results show that although PS learners had higher general L2 proficiency, IS learners were more accurate at discriminating all five contrasts and at identifying six of the L2 Dutch vowels. These findings confirm that acoustic differences in native vowel production lead to differential L2 vowel perception.     

The effect of reduced vowel working space on speech intelligibility in Mandarin-speaking young adults with cerebral palsy

The purpose of this study was to examine the effect of reduced vowel working space on dysarthric talkers' speech intelligibility using both acoustic and perceptual approaches. In experiment 1, the acoustic-perceptual relationship between vowel working space area and speech intelligibility was examined in Mandarin-speaking young adults with cerebral palsy. Subjects read aloud 18 bisyllabic words containing the vowels /i/, /a/, and /u/ using their normal speaking rate. Each talker's words were identified by three normal listeners. The percentage of correct vowel and word identification were calculated as vowel intelligibility and word intelligibility, respectively. Results revealed that talkers with cerebral palsy exhibited smaller vowel working space areas compared to ten age-matched controls. The vowel working space area was significantly correlated with vowel intelligibility (r=0.632, p<0.005) and with word intelligibility (r=0.684, p<0.005). Experiment 2 examined whether tokens of expanded vowel working spaces were perceived as better vowel exemplars and represented with greater perceptual spaces than tokens of reduced vowel working spaces. The results of the perceptual experiment support this prediction. The distorted vowels of talkers with cerebral palsy compose a smaller acoustic space that results in shrunken intervowel perceptual distances for listeners.     

Production of the word-final English /t/-/d/ contrast by native speakers of English, Mandarin, and Spanish.

The primary aim of this study was to determine if adults whose native language permits neither voiced nor voiceless stops to occur in word-final position can master the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Native English-speaking listeners identified the voicing feature in word-final stops produced by talkers in five groups: native speakers of English, experienced and inexperienced native Spanish speakers of English, and experienced and inexperienced native Mandarin speakers of English. Contrary to hypothesis, the experienced second language (L2) learners' stops were not identified significantly better than stops produced by the inexperienced L2 learners; and their stops were correctly identified significantly less often than stops produced by the native English speakers. Acoustic analyses revealed that the native English speakers made vowels significantly longer before /d/ than /t/, produced /t/-final words with a higher F1 offset frequency than /d/-final words, produced more closure voicing in /d/ than /t/, and sustained closure longer for /t/ than /d/. The L2 learners produced the same kinds of acoustic differences between /t/ and /d/, but theirs were usually of significantly smaller magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that only a few of the 40 L2 learners examined in the present study had mastered the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Several possible explanations for this negative finding are presented. Multiple regression analyses revealed that the native English listeners made perceptual use of the small, albeit significant, vowel duration differences produced in minimal pairs by the nonnative speakers. A significantly stronger correlation existed between vowel duration differences and the listeners' identifications of final stops in minimal pairs when the perceptual judgments were obtained in an "edited" condition (where post-vocalic cues were removed) than in a "full cue" condition. This suggested that listeners may modify their identification of stops based on the availability of acoustic cues.     

The effects of cross-generational and cross-dialectal variation on vowel identification and classification

Cross-generational and cross-dialectal variation in vowels among speakers of American English was examined in terms of vowel identification by listeners and vowel classification using pattern recognition. Listeners from Western North Carolina and Southeastern Wisconsin identified 12 vowel categories produced by 120 speakers stratified by age (old adults, young adults, and children), gender, and dialect. The vowels /?, o, ?, u/ were well identified by both groups of listeners. The majority of confusions were for the front /i, ?, e, ?, ?/, the low back /ɑ, ?/ and the monophthongal North Carolina /a?/. For selected vowels, generational differences in acoustic vowel characteristics were perceptually salient, suggesting listeners' responsiveness to sound change. Female exemplars and native-dialect variants produced higher identification rates. Linear discriminant analyses which examined dialect and generational classification accuracy showed that sampling the formant pattern at vowel midpoint only is insufficient to separate the vowels. Two sample points near onset and offset provided enough information for successful classification. The models trained on one dialect classified the vowels from the other dialect with much lower accuracy. The results strongly support the importance of dynamic information in accurate classification of cross-generational and cross-dialectal variations.     

A perceptual model of vowel recognition based on the auditory representation of American English vowels

A quantitative perceptual model of human vowel recognition based upon psychoacoustic and speech perception data is described. At an intermediate auditory stage of processing, the specific bark difference level of the model represents the pattern of peripheral auditory excitation as the distance in critical bands (barks) between neighboring formants and between the fundamental frequency (F0) and first formant (F1). At a higher, phonetic stage of processing, represented by the critical bark difference level of the model, the transformed vowels may be dichotomously classified based on whether the difference between formants in each dimension falls within or exceeds the critical distance of 3 bark for the spectral center of gravity effect [Chistovich et al., Hear. Res. 1, 185-195 (1979)]. Vowel transformations and classifications correspond well to several major phonetic dimensions and features by which vowels are perceived and traditionally classified. The F1-F0 dimension represents vowel height, and high vowels have F1-F0 differences within 3 bark. The F3-F2 dimension corresponds to vowel place of articulation, and front vowels have F3-F2 differences of less than 3 bark. As an inherent, speaker-independent normalization procedure, the model provides excellent vowel clustering while it greatly reduces between-speaker variability. It offers robust normalization through feature classification because gross binary categorization allows for considerable acoustic variability. There was generally less formant and bark difference variability for closely spaced formants than for widely spaced formants. These findings agree with independently observed perceptual results and support Stevens' quantal theory of vowel production and perceptual constraints on production predicted from the critical bark difference level of the model.     

The perception of Arabic and Japanese short and long vowels by native speakers of Arabic, Japanese, and Persian

This study examines the perception of short and long vowels in Arabic and Japanese by three groups of listeners differing in their first languages (L1): Arabic, Japanese, and Persian. While Persian uses the same alphabet as Arabic and Iranian students learn Arabic in school, the two languages are typologically unrelated. Further, unlike Arabic or Japanese, vowel length may no longer be contrastive in modern Persian. In this study, a question of interest was whether Persian listeners' foreign language learning experience or Japanese listeners' L1 phonological experience might help them to accurately process short and long vowels in Arabic. In Experiment 1, Arabic and Japanese listeners were more accurate than Persian listeners in discriminating vowel length contrasts in their own L1 only. In Experiment 2, Arabic and Japanese listeners were more accurate than Persian listeners in identifying the length categories in the "other" unknown language as well as in their own L1. The difference in the listeners' perceptual performance between the two experiments supports the view that long-term L1 representations may be invoked to a greater extent in the identification than discrimination test. The present results highlight the importance of selecting the appropriate test for assessing cross-language speech perception.     

Linguistic and acoustic correlates of the perceptual structure found in an individual differences scaling study of vowels

Subjects judged the similarities among a set of American English vowels (See Text) presented in isolation or in a/dVd/ consonantal frame. Individual differences scaling was employed to analyze these similarities data for each of the conditions separately and for the two conditions combined. In all cases, perceptual dimensions corresponding to the advancement, height, and tenseness vowel features were recovered. Given the determinacy of individual differences scaling, this finding is taken to provide strong evidence for the perceptual significance of those features. The perceptual dimensions are considered in relation to various acoustic parameters of the stimuli employed in this study. They are also considered in relation to perceptual dimensions that have been observed in other vowel scaling studies.     

Native dialect matters: perceptual assimilation of Dutch vowels by Czech listeners

Naive listeners' perceptual assimilations of non-native vowels to first-language (L1) categories can predict difficulties in the acquisition of second-language vowel systems. This study demonstrates that listeners having two slightly different dialects as their L1s can differ in the perception of foreign vowels. Specifically, the study shows that Bohemian Czech and Moravian Czech listeners assimilate Dutch high front vowels differently to L1 categories. Consequently, the listeners are predicted to follow different paths in acquiring these Dutch vowels. These findings underscore the importance of carefully considering the specific dialect background of participants in foreign- and second-language speech perception studies.