Suprasegmental and segmental timing models in Mandarin Chinese and American English

This paper formalizes and tests two key assumptions of the concept of suprasegmental timing: segmental independence and suprasegmental mediation. Segmental independence holds that the duration of a suprasegmental unit such as a syllable or foot is only minimally dependent on its segments. Suprasegmental mediation states that the duration of a segment is determined by the duration of its suprasegmental unit and its identity, but not directly by the specific prosodic context responsible for suprasegmental unit duration. Both assumptions are made by various versions of the isochrony hypothesis [I. Lehiste, J. Phonetics 5, 253-263 (1977)], and by the syllable timing hypothesis [W. Campbell, Speech Commun. 9, 57-62 (1990)]. The validity of these assumptions was studied using the syllable as suprasegmental unit in American English and Mandarin Chinese. To avoid unnatural timing patterns that might be induced when reading carrier phrase material, meaningful, nonrepetitive sentences were used with a wide range of lengths. Segmental independence was tested by measuring how the average duration of a syllable in a fixed prosodic context depends on its segmental composition. A strong association was found; in many cases the increase in average syllabic duration when one segment was substituted for another (e.g., bin versus pin) was the same as the difference in average duration between the two segments (i.e., [b] versus [p]). Thus, the [i] and [n] were not compressed to make room for the longer [p], which is inconsistent with segmental independence. Syllabic mediation was tested by measuring which locations in a syllable are most strongly affected by various contextual factors, including phrasal position, within-word position, tone, and lexical stress. Systematic differences were found between these factors in terms of the intrasyllabic locus of maximal effect. These and earlier results obtained by van Son and van Santen [R. J. J. H van Son and J. P. H. van Santen, "Modeling the interaction between factors affecting consonant duration," Proceedings Eurospeech-97, 1997, pp. 319-322] showing a three-way interaction between consonantal identity (coronals vs labials), within-word position of the syllable, and stress of surrounding vowels, imply that segmental duration cannot be predicted by compressing or elongating segments to fit into a predetermined syllabic time interval. In conclusion, while there is little doubt that suprasegmental units play important predictive and explanatory roles as phonological units, the concept of suprasegmental timing is less promising.     

Dynamic spectral structure specifies vowels for children and adults

When it comes to making decisions regarding vowel quality, adults seem to weight dynamic syllable structure more strongly than static structure, although disagreement exists over the nature of the most relevant kind of dynamic structure: spectral change intrinsic to the vowel or structure arising from movements between consonant and vowel constrictions. Results have been even less clear regarding the signal components children use in making vowel judgments. In this experiment, listeners of four different ages (adults, and 3-, 5-, and 7-year-old children) were asked to label stimuli that sounded either like steady-state vowels or like CVC syllables which sometimes had middle sections masked by coughs. Four vowel contrasts were used, crossed for type (front/back or closed/open) and consonant context (strongly or only slightly constraining of vowel tongue position). All listeners recognized vowel quality with high levels of accuracy in all conditions, but children were disproportionately hampered by strong coarticulatory effects when only steady-state formants were available. Results clarified past studies, showing that dynamic structure is critical to vowel perception for all aged listeners, but particularly for young children, and that it is the dynamic structure arising from vocal-tract movement between consonant and vowel constrictions that is most important.     

The development of acoustic cues to coda contrasts in young children learning American English

Research on children's speech perception and production suggests that consonant voicing and place contrasts may be acquired early in life, at least in word-onset position. However, little is known about the development of the acoustic correlates of later-acquired, word-final coda contrasts. This is of particular interest in languages like English where many grammatical morphemes are realized as codas. This study therefore examined how various non-spectral acoustic cues vary as a function of stop coda voicing (voiced vs. voiceless) and place (alveolar vs. velar) in the spontaneous speech of 6 American-English-speaking mother-child dyads. The results indicate that children as young as 1;6 exhibited many adult-like acoustic cues to voicing and place contrasts, including longer vowels and more frequent use of voice bar with voiced codas, and a greater number of bursts and longer post-release noise for velar codas. However, 1;6-year-olds overall exhibited longer durations and more frequent occurrence of these cues compared to mothers, with decreasing values by 2;6. Thus, English-speaking 1;6-year-olds already exhibit adult-like use of some of the cues to coda voicing and place, though implementation is not yet fully adult-like. Physiological and contextual correlates of these findings are discussed.     

Perception of the [m]-[n] distinction in consonant-vowel (CV) and vowel-consonant (VC) syllables produced by child and adult talkers

The contribution of the nasal murmur and vocalic formant transition to the perception of the [m]-[n] distinction by adult listeners was investigated for speakers of different ages in both consonant-vowel (CV) and vowel-consonant (VC) syllables. Three children in each of the speaker groups 3, 5, and 7 years old, and three adult females and three adult males produced CV and VC syllables consisting of either [m] or [n] and followed or preceded by [i ae u a], respectively. Two productions of each syllable were edited into seven murmur and transitions segments. Across speaker groups, a segment including the last 25 ms of the murmur and the first 25 ms of the vowel yielded higher perceptual identification of place of articulation than any other segment edited from the CV syllable. In contrast, the corresponding vowel+murmur segment in the VC syllable position improved nasal identification relative to other segment types for only the adult talkers. Overall, the CV syllable was perceptually more distinctive than the VC syllable, but this distinctiveness interacted with speaker group and stimulus duration. As predicted by previous studies and the current results of perceptual testing, acoustic analyses of adult syllable productions showed systematic differences between labial and alveolar places of articulation, but these differences were only marginally observed in the youngest children's speech. Also predicted by the current perceptual results, these acoustic properties differentiating place of articulation of nasal consonants were reliably different for CV syllables compared to VC syllables. A series of comparisons of perceptual data across speaker groups, segment types, and syllable shape provided strong support, in adult speakers, for the "discontinuity hypothesis" [K. N. Stevens, in Phonetic Linguistics: Essays in Honor of Peter Ladefoged, edited by V. A. Fromkin (Academic, London, 1985), pp. 243-255], according to which spectral discontinuities at acoustic boundaries provide critical cues to the perception of place of articulation. In child speakers, the perceptual support for the "discontinuity hypothesis" was weaker and the results indicative of developmental changes in speech production.     

Postnatal development of cochlear microphonic and compound action potentials in a precocious species, Chinchilla lanigera

The development of sound-evoked responses in Chinchilla lanigera was studied from postnatal ages P0-1 (first 24 h) to adult. Cochlear microphonic (CMs) and compound action potentials (CAPs), representing ensemble sound-evoked activities of hair cells and auditory nerve fibers, respectively, were present as early as age P0-1. The data indicate that CM thresholds and sensitivities were generally adult-like (i.e., fall into adult ranges) at birth, but suprathreshold CM amplitudes remained below adult ranges through P28. CAP thresholds reached adult-like values between P7-P14, but the suprathreshold CAP amplitude continued to increase until ～P28. The results confirm the auditory precociousness of the chinchilla.     

Vowel duration in Afrikaans: the influence of postvocalic consonant voicing and syllable structure.

A production study was conducted to investigate the effect of vowel lengthening before voiced obstruents, and the possible influence that the openness versus closedness of syllables have on the temporal structure of vowels in some languages. The results revealed that vowels were significantly longer when followed by voiced consonants than voiceless consonants. Vowel duration did not, however, vary with syllable structure. However, vowels in open syllables followed by [+ voiced] consonants tended to be longer than when the following consonants were [- voiced]. These results are discussed in the context of current knowledge of other languages.     

Body Water,Lean Body and Fat Mass of Healthy Children as Measured by Deuterium Oxide Dilution

Abstract

Body composition of 165 healthy children was measured using the well-established method of deuterium oxide (²H₂O) dilution. After distribution of an oral load of 2.0 ml ²H₂O/kg body weight body water was estimated from the ²H₂O concentration in urine. Lean body mass was then calculated from body water using previously published age dependent ratios of the water content of the lean body mass. Fat mass was calculated as the difference of body weight and lean body mass. A good correlation was found between body water and body weight. Linear regression revealed TBW = 0.589 BW + 0.728 (r = 0.99). Body water, lean body mass and fat mass were found to change with age. The fat content of the body increases during the first six months of life. It then decreases until four to five years then rising again until 15 years of age.     

Perception of syllable timing by prebabbling infants

Adults hear alternating syllables with isochronous syllable onset-onset times as having a long-short, alternating rhythm when the syllables differ in initial consonant. This occurs because adults attend to syllable-internal events, called the "P centers" or "stress beats", rather than to syllable onsets. Thus they report that stress-beat aligned speech is isochronous and stress-beat aligned clicks are synchronized with the speech. The question asked here is whether, like adults, infants attend to the timing of syllable stress beats. In experiment 1, infants showed differences in time to habituate to sequences of alternating monosyllables, [bad] and [strad], having two different onset-onset times (onset- and stress-beat-timed) and two different placements of clicks on the syllables (on syllable onsets and on stress beats). Infants habituated more slowly to sequences with clicks on the stress beats than to sequences with clicks on syllable onsets and most slowly of all to stress-beat-timed speech with clicks on the stress beats. To interpret these findings, a second experiment was run using sequences only of the syllable [strad] so that speech timing measured according to onsets and stress beats was the same. Syllables had isochronous timing or a long-short alternating rhythm, corresponding to two possible ways of hearing the stress-beat-timed speech of experiment 1. In addition, two patterns of click placement were compared, uniform and syncopated, corresponding to two ways of hearing the stress-beat aligned clicks of experiment 1. The patterns of sucking times in the two experiments match exactly if stress-beat aligned speech in experiment 1 is identified with the isochronous speech of experiment 2 and the stress-beat aligned clicks of experiment 1 match with the uniformly timed clicks of experiment 2. It is inferred from this correspondence that infants perceive stress beats and stress-beat timing of syllables as adults do.     

Dynamic specification of coarticulated vowels

An adequate theory of vowel perception must account for perceptual constancy over variations in the acoustic structure of coarticulated vowels contributed by speakers, speaking rate, and consonantal context. We modified recorded consonant-vowel-consonant syllables electronically to investigate the perceptual efficacy of three types of acoustic information for vowel identification: (1) static spectral "targets," (2) duration of syllabic nuclei, and (3) formant transitions into and out of the vowel nucleus. Vowels in /b/-vowel-/b/ syllables spoken by one adult male (experiment 1) and by two females and two males (experiment 2) served as the corpus, and seven modified syllable conditions were generated in which different parts of the digitized waveforms of the syllables were deleted and the temporal relationships of the remaining parts were manipulated. Results of identification tests by untrained listeners indicated that dynamic spectral information, contained in initial and final transitions taken together, was sufficient for accurate identification of vowels even when vowel nuclei were attenuated to silence. Furthermore, the dynamic spectral information appeared to be efficacious even when durational parameters specifying intrinsic vowel length were eliminated.     

Acoustic analysis and perception of vowels in children's and teenagers' stuttered speech.

The syllable repetitions of 24 child and eight teenage stutterers were investigated to assess whether the vowels neutralize and, if so, what causes this. In both groups of speakers, the vowel in CV syllable repetitions and the following fluent vowel were excised from conversational speech samples. Acoustic analyses showed the formant frequencies of vowels in syllable repetitions to be appropriate for the intended vowel and the duration of the dysfluent vowels to be shorter than those of the fluent vowels for both groups of speakers. The intensity of the fluent vowels was greater than that of the dysfluent vowels for the teenagers but not the children: For both age groups, excitation waveforms obtained by inverse filtering showed that the excitation spectra associated with dysfluent vowels fell off more rapidly with frequency than did those associated with the fluent vowels. The fundamental frequency of the children's dysfluent speech was higher than their fluent speech while there was no difference in the teenager's speech. The relationship between the intensities of the glottal volume velocities was the same as that of the speech waveforms. Perceptual tests were also conducted to assess whether duration and the differences found in the source excitation would make children's vowels sound neutral. The experiments show that in children neither vowel duration nor fundamental frequency differences cause the vowels to be perceived as neutral. The results suggest that the low intensity and characteristics of the source of excitation which cause vowels to sound neutral may only occur in late childhood. Furthermore, monitoring stuttered speech for the emergence of neutral vowels may be a way of indexing the progress of the disorder.     

VCVs vs CVCs for stop/fricative distinctions by hearing-impaired and normal-hearing listeners

Moderately to profoundly hearing-impaired (n = 30) and normal-hearing (n = 6) listeners identified [p, k, t, f, theta, s] in [symbol; see text], and [symbol; see text]s tokens extracted from spoken sentences. The [symbol; see text]s were also identified in the sentences. The hearing-impaired group distinguished stop/fricative manner more poorly for [symbol; see text] in sentences than when extracted. Further, the group's performance for extracted [symbol; see text] was poorer than for extracted [symbol; see text] and [symbol; see text]. For the normal-hearing group, consonant identification was similar among the syllable and sentence contexts.     

NIR FT－Raman研究铝酸钠溶液的碳酸化过程

本文用ＮＩＲＦＴ－Ｒａｍａｎ光谱仪原位跟踪了铅酸钠溶液的碳酸化过程，观察到此过程的Ｒａｍａｎ光谱呈现振荡现象和非重线性，认为在碳酸化过程中，可能产生Ａｌ２（ＯＨ）离子和进一步缩聚形成的离子。     

The acoustic bases for gender identification from children's voices.

The purpose of this study was to examine the acoustic characteristics of children's speech and voices that account for listeners' ability to identify gender. In Experiment I, vocal recordings and gross physical measurements of 4-, 8-, 12-, and 16-year olds were taken (10 girls and 10 boys per age group). The speech sample consisted of seven nondiphthongal vowels of American English (/ae/ "had," /E/ "head," /i/ "heed," /I/ "hid," /a/ "hod," /inverted v/ "hud," and /u/ "who'd") produced in the carrier phrase, "Say /hVd/ again." Fundamental frequency (f0) and formant frequencies (F1, F2, F3) were measured from these syllables. In Experiment II, 20 adults rated the syllables produced by the children in Experiment I based on a six-point gender rating scale. The results from these experiments indicate (1) vowel formant frequencies differentiate gender for children as young as four years of age, while formant frequencies and f0 differentiate gender after 12 years of age, (2) the relationship between gross measures of physical size and vocal characteristics is apparent for at least 12- and 16-year olds, and (3) listeners can identify gender from the speech and voice of children as young as four years of age, and with respect to young children, listeners appear to base their gender ratings on vowel formant frequencies. The findings are discussed in relation to the development of gender identity and its perceptual representation in speech and voice.     

The emergence of mature gestural patterns in the production of voiceless and voiced word-final stops

The organization of gestures was examined in children's and adults' samples of consonant-vowel-stop words differing in stop voicing. Children (5 and 7 years old) and adults produced words from five voiceless/voiced pairs, five times each in isolation and in sentences. Acoustic measurements were made of vocalic duration, and of the first and second formants at syllable center and voicing offset. The predicted acoustic correlates of syllable-final voicing were observed across speakers: vocalic segments were shorter and first formants were higher in words with voiceless, rather than voiced, final stops. In addition, the second formant was found to differ depending on the voicing of the final stop for all speakers. It was concluded that by 5 years of age children produce words ending in stops with the same overall gestural organization as adults. However, some age-related differences were observed for jaw gestures, and variability for all measures was greater for children than for adults. These results suggest that children are still refining their organization of articulatory gestures past the age of 7 years. Finally, context effects (isolation or sentence) showed that the acoustic correlates of syllable-final voicing are attenuated when words are produced in sentences, rather than in isolation.     

F1 structure provides information for final-consonant voicing

Previous research has shown that F1 offset frequencies are generally lower for vowels preceding voiced consonants than for vowels preceding voiceless consonants. Furthermore, it has been shown that listeners use these differences in offset frequency in making judgments about final-consonant voicing. A recent production study [W. Summers, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 82, 847-863 (1987)] reported that F1 frequency differences due to postvocalic voicing are not limited to the final transition or offset region of the preceding vowel. Vowels preceding voiced consonants showed lower F1 onset frequencies and lower F1 steady-state frequencies than vowels preceding voiceless consonants. The present study examined whether F1 frequency differences in the initial transition and steady-state regions of preceding vowels affect final-consonant voicing judgments in perception. The results suggest that F1 frequency differences in these early portions of preceding vowels do, in fact, influence listeners' judgments of postvocalic consonantal voicing.     

Predictors of subsyllabic durations in speech motor control

Speech motor control timing was examined by means of a multiple correlational analysis involving interarticulatory delay and speech rate as predictor variables, and four subsyllabic time segments of the syllable [ka] as dependent variables. The hypothesis was that the two putative temporal constraints have differential predictive capacity for various segments of the syllable. Results from 11 subjects were in support of the hypothesis. Syllable onset duration was reliably predicted by the linear addition of interarticulatory delay and speech rate, while the duration of the midportion of the syllable was nearly exclusively predicted by the overall speech rate. This model was found to be applicable to all conditions of normal and clenched teeth, context-free and contextual, normally paced and rapid speech production, with minor differences in predictive capacity for different conditions.     

Formant frequency development: 15 to 36 months

Developmental characteristics of formant I (FI) and formant 2 (F2) are reported for spontaneous vocalizations produced by four young children. Each child was systematically sampled at between 15 and 36 months of age. Results indicated that both F1 and F2 remained relatively unchanged prior to 24 months of age. Significant decreases in average F1 and F2 occurred between 24 and 36 months. When F1 and F2 values were categorized according to tongue elevation and tongue advancement, the most significant changes were associated with high/back articulations. The pattern of formant frequencies noted in the present group of children appears to reflect developmental changes in vocal tract growth and reconfiguration.     

A new version of duplex perception: evidence for phonetic and nonphonetic fusion

In a series of experiments, a variant of duplex perception was investigated. In its original form, duplex perception is created by presenting an isolated transition to one ear and the remainder of the syllable, the standard base, to the other ear. Listeners hear a chirp at the ear receiving the isolated transition, and a full syllable at the ear receiving the base. The new version of duplex perception was created by presenting a third-formant transition in isolation to one ear and the same transition electronically mixed with the base to the other ear; the modified base now has all the information necessary for syllabic perception. With the new procedure, listeners reported hearing a chirp centered in the middle of their head and a syllable in the ear presented the modified base that was clearer than that produced by the isolated transition and standard base. They could also reliably choose the patterns that contained the additional transition in the base when attending to either the phonetic or nonphonetic sides of the duplex percept. In addition, when the fundamental frequency, onset time, and intensity of the isolated third-formant transition were varied relative to the base, the phonetic and nonphonetic (lateralization) percepts were differentially affected, although not always reliably. In general, nonphonetic fusion was more affected by large differences in these variables than was phonetic fusion. However, when two isolated third-formant transitions were presented dichotically, fusion and the resulting central location of the chirp failed markedly with relatively small differences in each variable. The results were discussed in terms of the role of fusion in the new version of duplex perception and the nature of the information that undergoes both phonetic and nonphonetic fusion.     

Duration of frication noise required for identification of English fricatives

Natural speech consonant-vowel (CV) syllables [( f, s, theta, s, v, z, ?] followed by [i, u, a]) were computer edited to include 20-70 ms of their frication noise in 10-ms steps as measured from their onset, as well as the entire frication noise. These stimuli, and the entire syllables, were presented to 12 subjects for consonant identification. Results show that the listener does not require the entire fricative-vowel syllable in order to correctly perceive a fricative. The required frication duration depends on the particular fricative, ranging from approximately 30 ms for [s, z] to 50 ms for [f, s, v], while [theta, ?] are identified with reasonable accuracy in only the full frication and syllable conditions. Analysis in terms of the linguistic features of voicing, place, and manner of articulation revealed that fricative identification in terms of place of articulation is much more affected by a decrease in frication duration than identification in terms of voicing and manner of articulation.     

Context effects in phoneme and word recognition by young children and older adults

Perception is influenced both by characteristics of the stimulus, and by the context in which it is presented. The relative contributions of each of these factors depend, to some extent, on perceiver characteristics. The contributions of word and sentence context to the perception of phonemes within words and words within sentences, respectively, have been well studied for normal, young adults. However, far less is known about these context effects for much younger and older listeners. In the present study, measures of these context effects were obtained from young children (ages 4 years 6 months to 6 years 6 months) and from older adults (over 62 years), and compared with those of the young adults in an earlier study [A. Boothroyd and S. Nittrouer, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 84, 101-114 (1988)]. Both children and older adults demonstrated poorer overall recognition scores than did young adults. However, responses of children and older adults demonstrated similar context effects, with two exceptions: Children used the semantic constraints of sentences to a lesser extent than did young or older adults, and older adults used lexical constraints to a greater extent than either of the other two groups.