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1.
The analysis of media systems has become a cornerstone in the field of comparative communication research. Ten years after its publication, we revisit the landmark study in the field, Hallin and Mancini's “Comparing Media Systems”, and operationalize its framework for standardized measurement. The study at hand is, to the best of our knowledge, the first to comprehensively validate the original dimensions and models using aggregated data from the same sample of Western countries. Three out of four dimensions of media systems show relatively high levels of internal consistency, but “role of the state” should be disaggregated into 3 subdimensions. A cluster analysis reveals 4 empirical types of media systems that differentiate and extend the original typology. 相似文献
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Alexander Nikolaev 《Review of Communication》2014,14(3-4):229-244
This paper uses a formal content analysis to decide what moral argument looks like in political debate. Does it involve more the abstract arguments and general principles of the philosophers or the devices of the rhetoricians, like ideographs, casuistry, and moral vocabulary? To test this question, we examine the U.S. debate over intervention in Bosnia between 1991 and 1995 as it showed up in the opinion pages of The New York Times, Christian Science Monitor, and The Washington Post.A major, unexpected finding of the research is support for Appiah's (2010) argument against the New Intuitionists in psychology that outside the laboratory, the major moral work to be done is framing. 相似文献
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Julius M. Riles Angeline Sangalang Ryan J. Hurley David Tewksbury 《The Journal of communication》2015,65(6):1018-1040
News frames can influence how people think about disease. In a pair of studies, we demonstrate how contemporary news outlets frame cancer and how exposure to common frames can affect news audiences' perceptions of those who suffer from cancer. First, we examine the current landscape of frame usage in online cancer news, employing frames ideally suited to the depiction of health and disease. We compare our results with previously published research in this news domain. Second, we employ these frames in a multimessage experiment to assess the influence of cancer news framing on individuals' perceptions about cancer, cancer interventions, and those with cancer. We conclude with a discussion of implications for framing research and health news production. 相似文献
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We show that television news is considerably more deliberative in established (United States, Germany) than in defective democracies (Russia) and slightly more deliberative in a power‐sharing political system (Germany) than in a power‐concentrating system (United States). We further demonstrate that public‐service channels, nonpartisan programs, and in‐depth news shows make stronger overall contributions toward deliberativeness than their respective counterparts. While national news cultures produce distinct national styles of mediated deliberation, individual channels in the United States (Fox, CNN) and Russia (REN) cut across these national patterns. The significance of deliberative media content for citizens and political elites is discussed. 相似文献
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How do individual politicians use the news media to reach their political goals? This study addresses the question by proposing an actor‐centered, functional approach. We distinguish 2 essential functions (and subfunctions) the mass media have for political elites. The media are a source of information; politicians depend on it for pure information and they can profit from the momentum generated by media information. The media also are an arena elites need access to in order to promote themselves and their issues. These 2 functions offer certain politicians a structural advantage over others and, hence, are relevant for the power struggle among political elites. A systematic functional account enables comparisons of the role of the media across politicians and political systems. 相似文献
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We outline a network analytic framework for analyzing the production of communication. In our framework, individuals—in part the products of the history of their social and professional ties—merge from various fields and a medley of prior production experiences within organizations to produce communicative innovations. Organizations with individuals who have diverse backgrounds and significant overlap in work experiences will be more innovative. We demonstrate this through a network analysis of the professional biographies of 629 staffers on U.S. presidential campaigns from 2004 to 2012. Democratic staffers came from more diverse organizations and shared significant overlap in prior experiences than their Republican counterparts. Through interview data, we argue that this in part explains Democratic innovativeness in technology during this period. 相似文献
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Yannis Theocharis Pablo Barberá Zoltán Fazekas Sebastian Adrian Popa Olivier Parnet 《The Journal of communication》2016,66(6):1007-1031
Existing studies focusing on politicians' adoption of Twitter have found that they use it primarily as a broadcasting tool. We argue that citizens' impolite and/or uncivil behavior is one possible explanation for such decisions. Social media conversations are rife with harassment and politicians are a prime target. This alters the incentive structure of engaging in dialogue on social media. We use Spanish, Greek, German, and U.K. candidates' tweets sent during the run‐up to the recent European Parliament elections, and rely on automated text analysis and machine learning methods to measure their level of civility. Our contribution is an actor‐oriented theory of political dialogue that incorporates Twitter's specific affordances, clarifying how and why Twitter's democratic promise may be limited. 相似文献
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Present study explored how message framing (gain vs loss) and social media virality metrics (e.g. the number of ‘likes’ and ‘shares’; SMVM) affect pro-environmental message’s influence perception and behavioral intention. In a 2 (framing: gain vs loss) × 2 (SMVM: high vs low) between-subjects experiment (N = 404), participants were exposed to Facebook posts about mitigating climate change. Major findings indicate: (1) gain framing, compared to loss, resulted in increased social desirability perception of pro-environmental messages when they are accompanied by high numbers of likes and shares; (2) social desirability perception mediated the effect of message framing on third person perception (TPP) but not on second person perception (SPP); (3) numbers of likes and shares affected participants’ message influence perceptions (TPP and SPP), and this was mediated by social desirability perception; and (4) message influence perceptions were found to be significant predictors of participants’ intentions for climate change mitigation actions. Study results implicate that SMVM can signal media content popularity and this can further affect social desirability and influence perceptions of the content. Message framing appeared to have an effect on how one thinks media content influence other people, especially in the presence of high levels of endorsement by others. The potential role of SPP, the perception of shared media influence, in augmenting public awareness and engagement is discussed in detail. 相似文献
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Social media promotes a broad discussion about the contemporary public sphere in China. Analyzing the relationship between social media and democratic politics in the unique context of China helps us to rethink a metamorphosis of Habermas’s public sphere model. The study supports the idea that the online public sphere more often than not transforms into a fragmentized formation of the multiple tensions between participatory democracy, journalism transformation and governmental authority. It may be difficult, under a single theoretical framework of civil society, to map out the complexities in Chinese social media. The key point is how a fragmentized structure of the public sphere has been integrated in the power game process of achieving consensus. Based on the special Internet policies and political environment in China, the implication of public sphere theory in Chinese social media is reconsidered. 相似文献
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Joel Penney 《The Journal of communication》2017,67(3):402-423
Drawing on interviews with leaders of the effort to promote the 2016 Bernie Sanders U.S. presidential candidacy on social media, this study contrasts the structure and content of various organizational networks to map the hybrid ecosystem of the contemporary digital campaign. While the “official” Sanders organization built applications to transform supporters into a tightly controlled distribution network for its social media messaging, this was complemented by “unofficial” grassroots networks that circulated more informal and culturally oriented appeals. The latter are classified according to the models of organizationally enabled and self-organized connective action in digital social movements, with structural differences in oversight and moderation that suggest varying levels of creative autonomy for citizens and reputational risk for the associated campaigns. 相似文献
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Phone‐in radio programs are part of the public sphere and thus require open access, rationality, and practicality. Simultaneously, they are a media product, which requires entertaining content. We demonstrate these demands through the analysis of interactional irony in Israeli political radio phone‐ins. From an emic perspective, callers see irony as detrimental to the discussions, yet hosts and regular callers use it to make entertaining interactions. Irony is a critical tool that points to violations of norms: the norm of a clear 2‐sided interaction; norms akin to the Habermasian public sphere; and at the content level, irony is used to reject racist positions. Being indirect, irony can be used to create an entertaining yet critical discussion in the public sphere. 相似文献
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In recent years, China has been in a period of social transition. Public emergency events have occurred frequently, and social media have developed rapidly. Social media users in China not only represent traditional audiences but also play an increasingly important role in crisis communication during public emergency events by expressing their views, discussing events with others and sharing information both online and offline. According to national telephone survey data from China, nearly two-thirds of the respondents engaged in communication behaviors during public emergency events, and more than forty percent of those users communicated by social media. Hundreds of millions of Chinese social media users are becoming the driving force of the public opinion field. To better understand social media users’ online information dissemination behaviors and influencing factors, we developed the hierarchical logistic regression model and observed that demographic variables (gender and age), social media use, people’s concerns regarding public emergencies and people’s need to monitor the government’s performance during public emergencies significantly influence online information dissemination behaviors. Our study has practical significance and academic value for understanding the online public opinion field and online political participation in China. 相似文献
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本文分析了民航甚高频通信系统的干扰机制,建立干扰分析模型,对民航西安区管甚高频系统的实际干扰问题进行了分析,介绍了无线电频率管理的基本概念,讨论了电磁频谱的概念、特点,论述了电磁频谱检测分析和评估的重要性,并对国内外无线电频率管理的现状做了介绍,深入分析了互调干扰机理,总结了调频广播对民航甚高频系统干扰的类型和产生机制。最后,分别从频率和功率两个维度建立了互调干扰频率分析模型。为民航甚高频通信系统的规划和管理提出了有益的参考。 相似文献
14.
Lee Edwards 《The Journal of communication》2016,66(1):60-81
This article reframes public relations' contribution to democracy in light of the recent turn to deliberative systems in democratic theory. I consider the problematic that public relations poses to normative models of deliberative democracy, and how that problematic has been addressed in public relations theory thus far. I suggest that deliberative systems provide a more robust basis for theorizing public relations' role in deliberation and propose an analytical approach for understanding the complex and sometimes contradictory role of public relations in deliberative democracy. The framework provides a starting point for locating public relations' engagement in deliberative systems and evaluating its effects. 相似文献
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Hyunjin Song 《The Journal of communication》2015,65(1):146-169
How do individuals structure their political discussion networks, and what factors systematically shape such patterns? While much research has focused on the effect of personality traits and one's motivations, abilities, and opportunities, network‐structural factors present different principles of tie formations. Evidence from an Exponential Family Random Graph Model and the meta‐analysis of an Exponential Random Graph Model (ERGM) from 20 different groups' networks indicated that the pattern of political discussions was shaped by general discussion and network‐endogenous structural processes. Results suggest that informal discussions of individuals serve as the important foundations of political behavior, and the processes of citizens' everyday political interactions emerge through complex interactions that cannot be regressed to mere individuals' predispositions or pure social selection processes. 相似文献
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本文概述了网络智能视频监控(NIVS)、视频内容分析(VCA)技术的概念、NIVS的网络结构及应用.讨论了网络视频监控中VCA的工作机制,包括VCA系统结构、VCA软件框架、VCA算法模块、VCA分析过程. 相似文献

