Perception of silent-center syllables by native and non-native English speakers

The amount of acoustic information that native and non-native listeners need for syllable identification was investigated by comparing the performance of monolingual English speakers and native Spanish speakers with either an earlier or a later age of immersion in an English-speaking environment. Duration-preserved silent-center syllables retaining 10, 20, 30, or 40 ms of the consonant-vowel and vowel-consonant transitions were created for the target vowels /i, I, eI, epsilon, ae/ and /a/, spoken by two males in /bVb/ context. Duration-neutral syllables were created by editing the silent portion to equate the duration of all vowels. Listeners identified the syllables in a six-alternative forced-choice task. The earlier learners identified the whole-word and 40 ms duration-preserved syllables as accurately as the monolingual listeners, but identified the silent-center syllables significantly less accurately overall. Only the monolingual listener group identified syllables significantly more accurately in the duration-preserved than in the duration-neutral condition, suggesting that the non-native listeners were unable to recover from the syllable disruption sufficiently to access the duration cues in the silent-center syllables. This effect was most pronounced for the later learners, who also showed the most vowel confusions and the greatest decrease in performance from the whole word to the 40 ms transition condition.     

Perception of intrusive /r/ in English by native, cross-language and cross-dialect listeners

In sequences such as law and order, speakers of British English often insert /r/ between law and and. Acoustic analyses revealed such "intrusive" /r/ to be significantly shorter than canonical /r/. In a 2AFC experiment, native listeners heard British English sentences in which /r/ duration was manipulated across a word boundary [e.g., saw (r)ice], and orthographic and semantic factors were varied. These listeners responded categorically on the basis of acoustic evidence for /r/ alone, reporting ice after short /r/s, rice after long /r/s; orthographic and semantic factors had no effect. Dutch listeners proficient in English who heard the same materials relied less on durational cues than the native listeners, and were affected by both orthography and semantic bias. American English listeners produced intermediate responses to the same materials, being sensitive to duration (less so than native, more so than Dutch listeners), and to orthography (less so than the Dutch), but insensitive to the semantic manipulation. Listeners from language communities without common use of intrusive /r/ may thus interpret intrusive /r/ as canonical /r/, with a language difference increasing this propensity more than a dialect difference. Native listeners, however, efficiently distinguish intrusive from canonical /r/ by exploiting the relevant acoustic variation.     

Discrimination of non-native consonant contrasts varying in perceptual assimilation to the listener's native phonological system

Classic non-native speech perception findings suggested that adults have difficulty discriminating segmental distinctions that are not employed contrastively in their own language. However, recent reports indicate a gradient of performance across non-native contrasts, ranging from near-chance to near-ceiling. Current theoretical models argue that such variations reflect systematic effects of experience with phonetic properties of native speech. The present research addressed predictions from Best's perceptual assimilation model (PAM), which incorporates both contrastive phonological and noncontrastive phonetic influences from the native language in its predictions about discrimination levels for diverse types of non-native contrasts. We evaluated the PAM hypotheses that discrimination of a non-native contrast should be near-ceiling if perceived as phonologically equivalent to a native contrast, lower though still quite good if perceived as a phonetic distinction between good versus poor exemplars of a single native consonant, and much lower if both non-native segments are phonetically equivalent in goodness of fit to a single native consonant. Two experiments assessed native English speakers' perception of Zulu and Tigrinya contrasts expected to fit those criteria. Findings supported the PAM predictions, and provided evidence for some perceptual differentiation of phonological, phonetic, and nonlinguistic information in perception of non-native speech. Theoretical implications for non-native speech perception are discussed, and suggestions are made for further research.     

The perception of phonemic contrasts in a non-native dialect

This study examined the impact on speech processing of regional phonetic/phonological variation in the listener's native language. The perception of the /e/-/epsilon/ and /o/-/upside down c/ contrasts, produced by standard but not southern French native speakers, was investigated in these two populations. A repetition priming experiment showed that the latter but not the former perceived words such as /epe/ and /epepsilon/ as homophones. In contrast, both groups perceived the two words of /o/-/upside down c/ minimal pairs (/pom/-/p(uspide down c)m/) as being distinct. Thus, standard-French words can be perceived differently depending on the listener's regional accent.     

Perception of familiar contrasts in unfamiliar positions

This paper investigates the perception of non-native phoneme contrasts which exist in the native language, but not in the position tested. Like English, Dutch contrasts voiced and voiceless obstruents. Unlike English, Dutch allows only voiceless obstruents in word-final position. Dutch and English listeners' accuracy on English final voicing contrasts and their use of preceding vowel duration as a voicing cue were tested. The phonetic structure of Dutch should provide the necessary experience for a native-like use of this cue. Experiment 1 showed that Dutch listeners categorized English final /z/-/s/, /v/-/f/, /b/-/p/, and /d/-/t/ contrasts in nonwords as accurately as initial contrasts, and as accurately as English listeners did, even when release bursts were removed. In experiment 2, English listeners used vowel duration as a cue for one final contrast, although it was uninformative and sometimes mismatched other voicing characteristics, whereas Dutch listeners did not. Although it should be relatively easy for them, Dutch listeners did not use vowel duration. Nevertheless, they attained native-like accuracy, and sometimes even outperformed the native listeners who were liable to be misled by uninformative vowel duration information. Thus, native-like use of cues for non-native but familiar contrasts in unfamiliar positions may hardly ever be attained.     

The use of visual cues in the perception of non-native consonant contrasts

This study assessed the extent to which second-language learners are sensitive to phonetic information contained in visual cues when identifying a non-native phonemic contrast. In experiment 1, Spanish and Japanese learners of English were tested on their perception of a labial/ labiodental consonant contrast in audio (A), visual (V), and audio-visual (AV) modalities. Spanish students showed better performance overall, and much greater sensitivity to visual cues than Japanese students. Both learner groups achieved higher scores in the AV than in the A test condition, thus showing evidence of audio-visual benefit. Experiment 2 examined the perception of the less visually-salient /1/-/r/ contrast in Japanese and Korean learners of English. Korean learners obtained much higher scores in auditory and audio-visual conditions than in the visual condition, while Japanese learners generally performed poorly in both modalities. Neither group showed evidence of audio-visual benefit. These results show the impact of the language background of the learner and visual salience of the contrast on the use of visual cues for a non-native contrast. Significant correlations between scores in the auditory and visual conditions suggest that increasing auditory proficiency in identifying a non-native contrast is linked with an increasing proficiency in using visual cues to the contrast.     

A cross-language study of the identification of non-native nasal consonants varying in place of articulation

Seven listener groups, varying in terms of the nasal consonant inventory of their native language, orthographically labeled and rated a set of naturally produced non-native nasal consonants varying in place of articulation. The seven listener groups included speakers of Malayalam, Marathi, Punjabi, Tamil, Oriya, Bengali, and American English. The stimulus set included bilabial, dental, alveolar, and retroflex nasals from Malayalam, Marathi, and Oriya. The stimulus set and nasal consonant inventories of the seven listener groups were described by both phonemic and allophonic representations. The study was designed to determine the extent to which phonemic and allophonic representations of perceptual categories can be used to predict a listener group's identification of non-native sounds. The results of the experiment showed that allophonic representations were more successful in predicting the native category that listeners used to label a non-native sound in a majority of trials. However, both representations frequently failed to accurately predict the goodness of fit between a non-native sound and a perceptual category. The results demonstrate that the labeling and rating of non-native stimuli were conditioned by a degree of language-specific phonetic detail that corresponds to perceptually relevant cues to native language contrasts.     

Effect of masker type on native and non-native consonant perception in noise

Spoken communication in a non-native language is especially difficult in the presence of noise. This study compared English and Spanish listeners' perceptions of English intervocalic consonants as a function of masker type. Three maskers (stationary noise, multitalker babble, and competing speech) provided varying amounts of energetic and informational masking. Competing English and Spanish speech maskers were used to examine the effect of masker language. Non-native performance fell short of that of native listeners in quiet, but a larger performance differential was found for all masking conditions. Both groups performed better in competing speech than in stationary noise, and both suffered most in babble. Since babble is a less effective energetic masker than stationary noise, these results suggest that non-native listeners are more adversely affected by both energetic and informational masking. A strong correlation was found between non-native performance in quiet and degree of deterioration in noise, suggesting that non-native phonetic category learning can be fragile. A small effect of language background was evident: English listeners performed better when the competing speech was Spanish.     

Patterns of English phoneme confusions by native and non-native listeners

Native American English and non-native (Dutch) listeners identified either the consonant or the vowel in all possible American English CV and VC syllables. The syllables were embedded in multispeaker babble at three signal-to-noise ratios (0, 8, and 16 dB). The phoneme identification performance of the non-native listeners was less accurate than that of the native listeners. All listeners were adversely affected by noise. With these isolated syllables, initial segments were harder to identify than final segments. Crucially, the effects of language background and noise did not interact; the performance asymmetry between the native and non-native groups was not significantly different across signal-to-noise ratios. It is concluded that the frequently reported disproportionate difficulty of non-native listening under disadvantageous conditions is not due to a disproportionate increase in phoneme misidentifications.     

Consonant identification in noise by native and non-native listeners: effects of local context

Speech recognition in noise is harder in second (L2) than first languages (L1). This could be because noise disrupts speech processing more in L2 than L1, or because L1 listeners recover better though disruption is equivalent. Two similar prior studies produced discrepant results: Equivalent noise effects for L1 and L2 (Dutch) listeners, versus larger effects for L2 (Spanish) than L1. To explain this, the latter experiment was presented to listeners from the former population. Larger noise effects on consonant identification emerged for L2 (Dutch) than L1 listeners, suggesting that task factors rather than L2 population differences underlie the results discrepancy.     

Effects of speaker variability and noise on Mandarin fricative identification by native and non-native listeners

Speaker variability and noise are two common sources of acoustic variability. The goal of this study was to examine whether these two sources of acoustic variability affected native and non-native perception of Mandarin fricatives to different degrees. Multispeaker Mandarin fricative stimuli were presented to 40 native and 52 non-native listeners in two presentation formats (blocked by speaker and mixed across speakers). The stimuli were also mixed with speech-shaped noise to create five levels of signal-to- noise ratios. The results showed that noise affected non-native identification disproportionately. By contrast, the effect of speaker variability was comparable between the native and non-native listeners. Confusion patterns were interpreted with reference to the results of acoustic analysis, suggesting native and non-native listeners used distinct acoustic cues for fricative identification. It was concluded that not all sources of acoustic variability are treated equally by native and non-native listeners. Whereas noise compromised non-native fricative perception disproportionately, speaker variability did not pose a special challenge to the non-native listeners.     

Semantic and phonetic enhancements for speech-in-noise recognition by native and non-native listeners

Previous research has shown that speech recognition differences between native and proficient non-native listeners emerge under suboptimal conditions. Current evidence has suggested that the key deficit that underlies this disproportionate effect of unfavorable listening conditions for non-native listeners is their less effective use of compensatory information at higher levels of processing to recover from information loss at the phoneme identification level. The present study investigated whether this non-native disadvantage could be overcome if enhancements at various levels of processing were presented in combination. Native and non-native listeners were presented with English sentences in which the final word varied in predictability and which were produced in either plain or clear speech. Results showed that, relative to the low-predictability-plain-speech baseline condition, non-native listener final word recognition improved only when both semantic and acoustic enhancements were available (high-predictability-clear-speech). In contrast, the native listeners benefited from each source of enhancement separately and in combination. These results suggests that native and non-native listeners apply similar strategies for speech-in-noise perception: The crucial difference is in the signal clarity required for contextual information to be effective, rather than in an inability of non-native listeners to take advantage of this contextual information per se.     

Linguistic contributions to speech-on-speech masking for native and non-native listeners: language familiarity and semantic content

This study examined whether speech-on-speech masking is sensitive to variation in the degree of similarity between the target and the masker speech. Three experiments investigated whether speech-in-speech recognition varies across different background speech languages (English vs Dutch) for both English and Dutch targets, as well as across variation in the semantic content of the background speech (meaningful vs semantically anomalous sentences), and across variation in listener status vis-a?-vis the target and masker languages (native, non-native, or unfamiliar). The results showed that the more similar the target speech is to the masker speech (e.g., same vs different language, same vs different levels of semantic content), the greater the interference on speech recognition accuracy. Moreover, the listener's knowledge of the target and the background language modulate the size of the release from masking. These factors had an especially strong effect on masking effectiveness in highly unfavorable listening conditions. Overall this research provided evidence that that the degree of target-masker similarity plays a significant role in speech-in-speech recognition. The results also give insight into how listeners assign their resources differently depending on whether they are listening to their first or second language.     

Bidirectional clear speech perception benefit for native and high-proficiency non-native talkers and listeners: intelligibility and accentedness

This study investigated how native language background interacts with speaking style adaptations in determining levels of speech intelligibility. The aim was to explore whether native and high proficiency non-native listeners benefit similarly from native and non-native clear speech adjustments. The sentence-in-noise perception results revealed that fluent non-native listeners gained a large clear speech benefit from native clear speech modifications. Furthermore, proficient non-native talkers in this study implemented conversational-to-clear speaking style modifications in their second language (L2) that resulted in significant intelligibility gain for both native and non-native listeners. The results of the accentedness ratings obtained for native and non-native conversational and clear speech sentences showed that while intelligibility was improved, the presence of foreign accent remained constant in both speaking styles. This suggests that objective intelligibility and subjective accentedness are two independent dimensions of non-native speech. Overall, these results provide strong evidence that greater experience in L2 processing leads to improved intelligibility in both production and perception domains. These results also demonstrated that speaking style adaptations along with less signal distortion can contribute significantly towards successful native and non-native interactions.     

Perception of syllable timing by prebabbling infants

Adults hear alternating syllables with isochronous syllable onset-onset times as having a long-short, alternating rhythm when the syllables differ in initial consonant. This occurs because adults attend to syllable-internal events, called the "P centers" or "stress beats", rather than to syllable onsets. Thus they report that stress-beat aligned speech is isochronous and stress-beat aligned clicks are synchronized with the speech. The question asked here is whether, like adults, infants attend to the timing of syllable stress beats. In experiment 1, infants showed differences in time to habituate to sequences of alternating monosyllables, [bad] and [strad], having two different onset-onset times (onset- and stress-beat-timed) and two different placements of clicks on the syllables (on syllable onsets and on stress beats). Infants habituated more slowly to sequences with clicks on the stress beats than to sequences with clicks on syllable onsets and most slowly of all to stress-beat-timed speech with clicks on the stress beats. To interpret these findings, a second experiment was run using sequences only of the syllable [strad] so that speech timing measured according to onsets and stress beats was the same. Syllables had isochronous timing or a long-short alternating rhythm, corresponding to two possible ways of hearing the stress-beat-timed speech of experiment 1. In addition, two patterns of click placement were compared, uniform and syncopated, corresponding to two ways of hearing the stress-beat aligned clicks of experiment 1. The patterns of sucking times in the two experiments match exactly if stress-beat aligned speech in experiment 1 is identified with the isochronous speech of experiment 2 and the stress-beat aligned clicks of experiment 1 match with the uniformly timed clicks of experiment 2. It is inferred from this correspondence that infants perceive stress beats and stress-beat timing of syllables as adults do.     

ERP evidence for different strategies in the processing of case markers in native speakers and non-native learners

Background  

The present experiments were designed to test how the linguistic feature of case is processed in Japanese by native and non-native listeners. We used a miniature version of Japanese as a model to compare sentence comprehension mechanisms in native speakers and non-native learners who had received training until they had mastered the system. In the first experiment we auditorily presented native Japanese speakers with sentences containing incorrect double nominatives and incorrect double accusatives, and with correct sentences. In the second experiment we tested trained non-natives with the same material. Based on previous research in German we expected an N400-P600 biphasic ERP response with specific modulations depending on the violated case and whether the listeners were native or non-native.     

Effect of masker-frequency variability on the detection performance of infants and adults

The effect of masker-frequency variability on the detection performance of 7-9 month-old infants and adults was examined. Listeners detected a 300-ms 1000-Hz pure tone masked by: (1) A random-frequency two-tone complex; (2) a fixed-frequency two-tone complex; or (3) a broadband noise. Maskers repeated at 300-ms intervals throughout testing at 60 dB SPL. The signal was presented simultaneously with one presentation of the masker. Thresholds were determined adaptively using an observer-based method. Infants' thresholds were higher than adults' in all conditions, but infants' and adults' thresholds changed with masker condition in qualitatively similar ways. The fixed two-tone complex produced masking for both age groups, but more masking for infants than for adults. For infants and adults, the random two-tone complex produced more masking than broadband noise, but the difference was greater for infants than for adults. For infants and adults, the random two-tone complex produced more masking than the fixed two-tone complex, and the difference between these conditions was similar for both age groups. These results suggest that infants are more susceptible to informational masking than adults in the absence of spectral variability. Whether infants are more susceptible to the effects of masker-frequency variability than adults remains to be clarified.     

Masking effects on ABR waves I and V in infants and adults

The effects of high- and low-pass masking on waves I and V of the auditory brain stem response (ABR) were measured in normal infants who were 2-4 weeks old, and in adults. The signal was a 4-kHz tone pip presented at 86 dB peak equivalent sound-pressure level (p.e.SPL). The masking patterns were different for latency and amplitude criteria, and were also different for infants and adults. The largest difference between infants and adults was seen in the wave I data. Low-pass maskers were very disruptive of the infant wave I, while little or no effect was noted on the adult wave I. High-pass maskers were very disruptive of the adult wave I, while less of an effect was measured on the infant wave I. The wave V data were similar between groups. Cochlear regions which contribute most importantly to wave I extend up to one octave above the frequency of the signal in adults, and to one-half octave above the signal frequency in infants. The reasons for the differences found between infants and adults are uncertain. Two possible mechanisms which can explain these data are differences in peripheral auditory sensitivity, and differences in tuning characteristics of the auditory system.     

Frequency and intensity discrimination in human infants and adults

Frequency and intensity DLs were measured in 26 human infants (ages 7-9 months) and six young adults using a repeating standard "yes-no" operant headturning technique and an adaptive staircase (tracking) psychophysical procedure. Subjects were visually reinforced for responding to frequency increments, frequency decrements, intensity increments, or intensity decrements in an ongoing train of 1.0-kHz tone bursts, and stimulus control was monitored using randomly interleaved probe and catch trials. Infants were easily conditioned to respond to both increments and decrements in frequency, and DLs ranged from 11-29 Hz, while adult DLs ranged from 3-5 Hz. Infants also easily discriminated intensity increments, and DLs ranged from 3-12 dB, while adult DLs ranged from 1-2 dB. No infants successfully discriminated intensity decrements, although adults experienced no difficulty with this task and produced DLs similar to those for increments. The apparent inability of infants to discriminate intensity decrements suggests that the infant CNS may not be well adapted to monitor rate decreases in populations of peripheral auditory neurons.     

Perception of temporal differences in speech by "normal-hearing" adults: effects of age and intensity

Many older people have greater difficulty processing speech at suprathreshold levels than can be explained by standard audiometric configurations. Some of the difficulty may involve the processing of temporal information. Temporal information can signal linguistic distinctions. The voicing distinction, for example, that separates pairs of words such as "rapid" and "rabid" can be signaled by temporal information: longer first vowel and shorter closure characterize "rabid"; shorter vowel and longer closure characterize "rapid." In this study, naturally produced tokens of "rabid" were low-pass filtered at 3500 Hz and edited to create vowel and (silent) closure duration continua. Pure-tone audiograms and speech recognition scores were used to select the ten best-hearing subjects among 50 volunteers over age 55. Randomizations of the stimuli were presented for labeling at intensity levels of 60 and 80 dB HL to this group and to ten normal-hearing volunteers under age 25. Results showed highly significant interactions of age with the temporal factors and with intensity: the older subjects required longer silence durations before reporting "rapid," especially for the shorter vowel durations and for the higher intensity level. These data suggest that age may affect the relative salience of different acoustic cues in speech perception, and that age-related hearing loss may involve deficits in the processing of temporal information, deficits that are not measured by standard audiometry.