Similarities of vowels in nonreverberant and reverberant fields

Perceptual distances among single tokens of American English vowels were established for nonreverberant and reverberant conditions. Fifteen vowels in the phonetic context (b-t), embedded in the sentence "Mark the (b-t) again" were recorded by a male talker. For the reverberant condition, the sentences were played through a room with a reverberation time of 1.2 s. The CVC syllables were removed from the sentences and presented in pairs to ten subjects with audiometrically normal hearing, who judged the similarity of the syllable pairs separately for the nonreverberant and reverberant conditions. The results were analyzed by multidimensional scaling procedures, which showed that the perceptual data were accounted for by a three-dimensional vowel space. Correlations were obtained between the coordinates of the vowels along each dimension and selected acoustic parameters. For both conditions, dimensions 1 and 2 were highly correlated with formant frequencies F2 and F1, respectively, and dimension 3 was correlated with the product of the duration of the vowels and the difference between F3 and F1 expressed on the Bark scale. These observations are discussed in terms of the influence of reverberation on speech perception.     

Integrality of nasalization and F1. II. Basic sensitivity and phonetic labeling measure distinct sensory and decision-rule interactions

In vowel perception, nasalization and height (the inverse of the first formant, F1) interact. This paper asks whether the interaction results from a sensory process, decision mechanism, or both. Two experiments used vowels varying in height, degree of nasalization, and three other stimulus parameters: the frequency region of F1, the location of the nasal pole/zero complex relative to F1, and whether a consonant following the vowel was oral or nasal. A fixed-classification experiment, designed to estimate basic sensitivity between stimuli, measured accuracy for discriminating stimuli differing in F1, in nasalization, and on both dimensions. A configuration derived by a multidimensional scaling analysis revealed a perceptual interaction that was stronger for stimuli in which the nasal pole/zero complex was below rather than above the oral pole, and that was present before both nasal and oral consonants. Phonetic identification experiments, designed to measure trading relations between the two dimensions, required listeners to identify height and nasalization in vowels varying in both. Judgments of nasalization depended on F1 as well as on nasalization, whereas judgments of height depended primarily on F1, and on nasalization more when the nasal complex was below than above the oral pole. This pattern was interpreted as a decision-rule interaction that is distinct from the interaction in basic sensitivity. Final consonant nasality had little effect in the classification experiment; in the identification experiment, nasal judgments were more likely when the following consonant was nasal.     

Acoustic and perceptual similarity of Japanese and American English vowels

Acoustic and perceptual similarities between Japanese and American English (AE) vowels were investigated in two studies. In study 1, a series of discriminant analyses were performed to determine acoustic similarities between Japanese and AE vowels, each spoken by four native male speakers using F1, F2, and vocalic duration as input parameters. In study 2, the Japanese vowels were presented to native AE listeners in a perceptual assimilation task, in which the listeners categorized each Japanese vowel token as most similar to an AE category and rated its goodness as an exemplar of the chosen AE category. Results showed that the majority of AE listeners assimilated all Japanese vowels into long AE categories, apparently ignoring temporal differences between 1- and 2-mora Japanese vowels. In addition, not all perceptual assimilation patterns reflected context-specific spectral similarity patterns established by discriminant analysis. It was hypothesized that this incongruity between acoustic and perceptual similarity may be due to differences in distributional characteristics of native and non-native vowel categories that affect the listeners' perceptual judgments.     

The effect of reduced vowel working space on speech intelligibility in Mandarin-speaking young adults with cerebral palsy

The purpose of this study was to examine the effect of reduced vowel working space on dysarthric talkers' speech intelligibility using both acoustic and perceptual approaches. In experiment 1, the acoustic-perceptual relationship between vowel working space area and speech intelligibility was examined in Mandarin-speaking young adults with cerebral palsy. Subjects read aloud 18 bisyllabic words containing the vowels /i/, /a/, and /u/ using their normal speaking rate. Each talker's words were identified by three normal listeners. The percentage of correct vowel and word identification were calculated as vowel intelligibility and word intelligibility, respectively. Results revealed that talkers with cerebral palsy exhibited smaller vowel working space areas compared to ten age-matched controls. The vowel working space area was significantly correlated with vowel intelligibility (r=0.632, p<0.005) and with word intelligibility (r=0.684, p<0.005). Experiment 2 examined whether tokens of expanded vowel working spaces were perceived as better vowel exemplars and represented with greater perceptual spaces than tokens of reduced vowel working spaces. The results of the perceptual experiment support this prediction. The distorted vowels of talkers with cerebral palsy compose a smaller acoustic space that results in shrunken intervowel perceptual distances for listeners.     

Vowel recognition via cochlear implants and noise vocoders: effects of formant movement and duration

Previous work has demonstrated that normal-hearing individuals use fine-grained phonetic variation, such as formant movement and duration, when recognizing English vowels. The present study investigated whether these cues are used by adult postlingually deafened cochlear implant users, and normal-hearing individuals listening to noise-vocoder simulations of cochlear implant processing. In Experiment 1, subjects gave forced-choice identification judgments for recordings of vowels that were signal processed to remove formant movement and/or equate vowel duration. In Experiment 2, a goodness-optimization procedure was used to create perceptual vowel space maps (i.e., best exemplars within a vowel quadrilateral) that included F1, F2, formant movement, and duration. The results demonstrated that both cochlear implant users and normal-hearing individuals use formant movement and duration cues when recognizing English vowels. Moreover, both listener groups used these cues to the same extent, suggesting that postlingually deafened cochlear implant users have category representations for vowels that are similar to those of normal-hearing individuals.     

A perceptual model of vowel recognition based on the auditory representation of American English vowels

A quantitative perceptual model of human vowel recognition based upon psychoacoustic and speech perception data is described. At an intermediate auditory stage of processing, the specific bark difference level of the model represents the pattern of peripheral auditory excitation as the distance in critical bands (barks) between neighboring formants and between the fundamental frequency (F0) and first formant (F1). At a higher, phonetic stage of processing, represented by the critical bark difference level of the model, the transformed vowels may be dichotomously classified based on whether the difference between formants in each dimension falls within or exceeds the critical distance of 3 bark for the spectral center of gravity effect [Chistovich et al., Hear. Res. 1, 185-195 (1979)]. Vowel transformations and classifications correspond well to several major phonetic dimensions and features by which vowels are perceived and traditionally classified. The F1-F0 dimension represents vowel height, and high vowels have F1-F0 differences within 3 bark. The F3-F2 dimension corresponds to vowel place of articulation, and front vowels have F3-F2 differences of less than 3 bark. As an inherent, speaker-independent normalization procedure, the model provides excellent vowel clustering while it greatly reduces between-speaker variability. It offers robust normalization through feature classification because gross binary categorization allows for considerable acoustic variability. There was generally less formant and bark difference variability for closely spaced formants than for widely spaced formants. These findings agree with independently observed perceptual results and support Stevens' quantal theory of vowel production and perceptual constraints on production predicted from the critical bark difference level of the model.     

F1 structure provides information for final-consonant voicing

Previous research has shown that F1 offset frequencies are generally lower for vowels preceding voiced consonants than for vowels preceding voiceless consonants. Furthermore, it has been shown that listeners use these differences in offset frequency in making judgments about final-consonant voicing. A recent production study [W. Summers, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 82, 847-863 (1987)] reported that F1 frequency differences due to postvocalic voicing are not limited to the final transition or offset region of the preceding vowel. Vowels preceding voiced consonants showed lower F1 onset frequencies and lower F1 steady-state frequencies than vowels preceding voiceless consonants. The present study examined whether F1 frequency differences in the initial transition and steady-state regions of preceding vowels affect final-consonant voicing judgments in perception. The results suggest that F1 frequency differences in these early portions of preceding vowels do, in fact, influence listeners' judgments of postvocalic consonantal voicing.     

Evolving theories of vowel perception

Research on the perception of vowels in the last several years has given rise to new conceptions of vowels as articulatory, acoustic, and perceptual events. Starting from a "simple" target model in which vowels were characterized articulatorily as static vocal tract shapes and acoustically as points in a first and second formant (F1/F2) vowel space, this paper briefly traces the evolution of vowel theory in the 1970s and 1980s in two directions. (1) Elaborated target models represent vowels as target zones in perceptual spaces whose dimensions are specified as formant ratios. These models have been developed primarily to account for perceivers' solution of the "speaker normalization" problem. (2) Dynamic specification models emphasize the importance of formant trajectory patterns in specifying vowel identity. These models deal primarily with the problem of "target undershoot" associated with the coarticulation of vowels with consonants in natural speech and with the issue of "vowel-inherent spectral change" or diphthongization of English vowels. Perceptual studies are summarized that motivate these theoretical developments.     

Static, dynamic, and relational properties in vowel perception

The present work reviews theories and empirical findings, including results from two new experiments, that bear on the perception of English vowels, with an emphasis on the comparison of data analytic "machine recognition" approaches with results from speech perception experiments. Two major sources of variability (viz., speaker differences and consonantal context effects) are addressed from the classical perspective of overlap between vowel categories in F1 x F2 space. Various approaches to the reduction of this overlap are evaluated. Two types of speaker normalization are considered. "Intrinsic" methods based on relationships among the steady-state properties (F0, F1, F2, and F3) within individual vowel tokens are contrasted with "extrinsic" methods, involving the relationships among the formant frequencies of the entire vowel system of a single speaker. Evidence from a new experiment supports Ainsworth's (1975) conclusion [W. Ainsworth, Auditory Analysis and Perception of Speech (Academic, London, 1975)] that both types of information have a role to play in perception. The effects of consonantal context on formant overlap are also considered. A new experiment is presented that extends Lindblom and Studdert-Kennedy's finding [B. Lindblom and M. Studdert-Kennedy, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 43, 840-843 (1967)] of perceptual effects of consonantal context on vowel perception to /dVd/ and /bVb/ contexts. Finally, the role of vowel-inherent dynamic properties, including duration and diphthongization, is briefly reviewed. All of the above factors are shown to have reliable influences on vowel perception, although the relative weight of such effects and the circumstances that alter these weights remain far from clear. It is suggested that the design of more complex perceptual experiments, together with the development of quantitative pattern recognition models of human vowel perception, will be necessary to resolve these issues.     

Perceptuomotor bias in the imitation of steady-state vowels

Previous studies suggest that speakers are systematically inaccurate, or biased, when imitating self-produced vowels. The direction of these biases in formant space and their variation may offer clues about the organization of the vowel perceptual space. To examine these patterns, three male speakers were asked to imitate 45 self-produced vowels that were systematically distributed in F1/F2 space. All three speakers showed imitation bias, and the bias magnitudes were significantly larger than those predicted by a model of articulatory noise. Each speaker showed a different pattern of bias directions, but the pattern was unrelated to the locations of prototypical vowels produced by that speaker. However, there were substantial quantitative regularities: (1) The distribution of imitation variability and bias magnitudes were similar for all speakers, (2) the imitation variability was independent of the bias magnitudes, and (3) the imitation variability (a production measure) was commensurate with the formant discrimination limen (a perceptual measure). These results indicate that there is additive Gaussian noise in the imitation process that independently affects each formant and that there are speaker-dependent and potentially nonlinguistic biases in vowel perception and production.     

Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.     

Acoustic correlates of the front/back vowel distinction: a comparison of transition onset versus "steady state"

This study investigated whether F2 and F3 transition onsets could encode the vowel place feature as well as F2 and F3 "steady-state" measures [Syrdal and Gopal, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 79, 1086-1100 (1986)]. Multiple comparisons were made using (a) scatterplots in multidimensional space, (b) critical band differences, and (c) linear discriminant functional analyses. Four adult male speakers produced /b/(v)/t/, /d/(v)/t/, and /g/(v)/t/ tokens with medial vowel contexts /i,I, E, ey, ae, a, v, c, o, u/. Each token was repeated in a random order five times, yielding a total of 150 tokens per subject. Formant measurements were taken at four loci: F2 onset, F2 vowel, F3 onset, and F3 vowel. Onset points coincided with the first glottal pulse following the release burst and steady-state measures were taken approximately 60-70 ms post-onset. Graphic analyses revealed two distinct, minimally overlapping subsets grouped by front versus back. This dichotomous grouping was also seen in two-dimensional displays using only "onset" data as coordinates. Conversion to a critical band (bark) scale confirmed that front vowels were characterized by F3-F2 bark differences within a critical 3-bark distance, while back vowels exceeded the 3-bark critical distance. Using the critical distance metric onset values categorized front vowels as well as steady-state measures, but showed a 20% error rate for back vowels. Front vowels had less variability than back vowels. Statistical separability was quantified with linear discriminant function analysis. Percent correct classification into vowel place groups was 87.5% using F2 and F3 onsets as input variables, and 95.7% using F2 and F3 vowel. Acoustic correlates of the vowel place feature are already present at second and third formant transition onsets.     

The influence of extraneous sounds on the perceptual estimation of first-formant frequency in vowels

The contribution of extraneous sounds to the perceptual estimation of the first-formant (F1) frequency of voiced vowels was investigated using a continuum of vowels perceived as changing from/I/to/epsilon/as F1 was increased. Any phonetic effects of adding extraneous sounds were measured as a change in the position of the phoneme boundary on the continuum. Experiments 1-5 demonstrated that a pair of extraneous tones, mistuned from harmonic values of the fundamental frequency of the vowel, could influence perceived vowel quality when added in the F1 region. Perceived F1 frequency was lowered when the tones were added on the lower skirt of F1, and raised when they were added on the upper skirt. Experiments 6 and 7 demonstrated that adding a narrow-band noise in the F1 region could produce a similar pattern of boundary shifts, despite the differences in temporal properties and timbre between a noise band and a voiced vowel. The data are interpreted using the concept of the harmonic sieve [Duifhuis et al., J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 71, 1568-1580 (1982)]. The results imply a partial failure of the harmonic sieve to exclude extraneous sounds from the perceptual estimation of F1 frequency. Implications for the nature of the hypothetical harmonic sieve are discussed.     

Linguistic and acoustic correlates of the perceptual structure found in an individual differences scaling study of vowels

Subjects judged the similarities among a set of American English vowels (See Text) presented in isolation or in a/dVd/ consonantal frame. Individual differences scaling was employed to analyze these similarities data for each of the conditions separately and for the two conditions combined. In all cases, perceptual dimensions corresponding to the advancement, height, and tenseness vowel features were recovered. Given the determinacy of individual differences scaling, this finding is taken to provide strong evidence for the perceptual significance of those features. The perceptual dimensions are considered in relation to various acoustic parameters of the stimuli employed in this study. They are also considered in relation to perceptual dimensions that have been observed in other vowel scaling studies.     

Acoustic and perceptual similarity of North German and American English vowels

Current theories of cross-language speech perception claim that patterns of perceptual assimilation of non-native segments to native categories predict relative difficulties in learning to perceive (and produce) non-native phones. Cross-language spectral similarity of North German (NG) and American English (AE) vowels produced in isolated hVC(a) (di)syllables (study 1) and in hVC syllables embedded in a short sentence (study 2) was determined by discriminant analyses, to examine the extent to which acoustic similarity was predictive of perceptual similarity patterns. The perceptual assimilation of NG vowels to native AE vowel categories by AE listeners with no German language experience was then assessed directly. Both studies showed that acoustic similarity of AE and NG vowels did not always predict perceptual similarity, especially for "new" NG front rounded vowels and for "similar" NG front and back mid and mid-low vowels. Both acoustic and perceptual similarity of NG and AE vowels varied as a function of the prosodic context, although vowel duration differences did not affect perceptual assimilation patterns. When duration and spectral similarity were in conflict, AE listeners assimilated vowels on the basis of spectral similarity in both prosodic contexts.     

Neighboring spectral content influences vowel identification

Four experiments explored the relative contributions of spectral content and phonetic labeling in effects of context on vowel perception. Two 10-step series of CVC syllables ([bVb] and [dVd]) varying acoustically in F2 midpoint frequency and varying perceptually in vowel height from [delta] to [epsilon] were synthesized. In a forced-choice identification task, listeners more often labeled vowels as [delta] in [dVd] context than in [bVb] context. To examine whether spectral content predicts this effect, nonspeech-speech hybrid series were created by appending 70-ms sine-wave glides following the trajectory of CVC F2's to 60-ms members of a steady-state vowel series varying in F2 frequency. In addition, a second hybrid series was created by appending constant-frequency sine-wave tones equivalent in frequency to CVC F2 onset/offset frequencies. Vowels flanked by frequency-modulated glides or steady-state tones modeling [dVd] were more often labeled as [delta] than were the same vowels surrounded by nonspeech modeling [bVb]. These results suggest that spectral content is important in understanding vowel context effects. A final experiment tested whether spectral content can modulate vowel perception when phonetic labeling remains intact. Voiceless consonants, with lower-amplitude more-diffuse spectra, were found to exert less of an influence on vowel perception than do their voiced counterparts. The data are discussed in terms of a general perceptual account of context effects in speech perception.     

Vowel spaces in Swedish adolescents with cochlear implants

This paper examines vowel production in Swedish adolescents with cochlear implants. Twelve adolescents with cochlear implants and 11 adolescents with normal hearing participated. Measurements were made of the first and second formants in all the nine long Swedish vowels. The values in hertz were bark-transformed, and two measures of the size of the vowel space were obtained. The first of them was the average Euclidean distance in the F1-F2 plane between the nine vowels and the mean F1 and F2 values of all the vowels. The second was the mean Euclidean distance in the F1-F2 plane between all the vowels. The results showed a significant difference for both vowel space measures between the two groups of adolescents. The cochlear implant users had a smaller space than the adolescents with normal hearing. In general, the size of the vowel space showed no correlations with measures of receptive and productive linguistic abilities. However, the results of an identification test showed that the listeners made more confusions of the vowels produced by speakers who had a small mean distance in the F1-F2 plane between all the vowels.     

Dynamic specification of coarticulated vowels

An adequate theory of vowel perception must account for perceptual constancy over variations in the acoustic structure of coarticulated vowels contributed by speakers, speaking rate, and consonantal context. We modified recorded consonant-vowel-consonant syllables electronically to investigate the perceptual efficacy of three types of acoustic information for vowel identification: (1) static spectral "targets," (2) duration of syllabic nuclei, and (3) formant transitions into and out of the vowel nucleus. Vowels in /b/-vowel-/b/ syllables spoken by one adult male (experiment 1) and by two females and two males (experiment 2) served as the corpus, and seven modified syllable conditions were generated in which different parts of the digitized waveforms of the syllables were deleted and the temporal relationships of the remaining parts were manipulated. Results of identification tests by untrained listeners indicated that dynamic spectral information, contained in initial and final transitions taken together, was sufficient for accurate identification of vowels even when vowel nuclei were attenuated to silence. Furthermore, the dynamic spectral information appeared to be efficacious even when durational parameters specifying intrinsic vowel length were eliminated.     

Spectral and duration properties of front vowels as cues to final stop-consonant voicing

The perception of voicing in final velar stop consonants was investigated by systematically varying vowel duration, change in offset frequency of the final first formant (F1) transition, and rate of frequency change in the final F1 transition for several vowel contexts. Consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) continua were synthesized for each of three vowels, [i,I,ae], which represent a range of relatively low to relatively high-F1 steady-state values. Subjects responded to the stimuli under both an open- and closed-response condition. Results of the study show that both vowel duration and F1 offset properties influence perception of final consonant voicing, with the salience of the F1 offset property higher for vowels with high-F1 steady-state frequencies than low-F1 steady-state frequencies, and the opposite occurring for the vowel duration property. When F1 onset and offset frequencies were controlled, rate of the F1 transition change had inconsistent and minimal effects on perception of final consonant voicing. Thus the findings suggest that it is the termination value of the F1 offset transition rather than rate and/or duration of frequency change, which cues voicing in final velar stop consonants during the transition period preceding closure.