Sensorimotor adaptation to feedback perturbations of vowel acoustics and its relation to perception

The role of auditory feedback in speech motor control was explored in three related experiments. Experiment 1 investigated auditory sensorimotor adaptation: the process by which speakers alter their speech production to compensate for perturbations of auditory feedback. When the first formant frequency (F1) was shifted in the feedback heard by subjects as they produced vowels in consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) words, the subjects' vowels demonstrated compensatory formant shifts that were maintained when auditory feedback was subsequently masked by noise-evidence of adaptation. Experiment 2 investigated auditory discrimination of synthetic vowel stimuli differing in F1 frequency, using the same subjects. Those with more acute F1 discrimination had compensated more to F1 perturbation. Experiment 3 consisted of simulations with the directions into velocities of articulators model of speech motor planning, which showed that the model can account for key aspects of compensation. In the model, movement goals for vowels are regions in auditory space; perturbation of auditory feedback invokes auditory feedback control mechanisms that correct for the perturbation, which in turn causes updating of feedforward commands to incorporate these corrections. The relation between speaker acuity and amount of compensation to auditory perturbation is mediated by the size of speakers' auditory goal regions, with more acute speakers having smaller goal regions.     

Multimodal Standardization of Voice Among Four Multicultural Populations Formant Structures

A stratified random sample of 20 males and 20 females matched for physiologic factors and cultural-linguistic markers was examined to determine differences in formant frequencies during prolongation of three vowels: [a], [i], and [u]. The ethnic and gender breakdown included four sets of 5 male and 5 female subjects comprised of Caucasian and African American speakers of Standard American English, native Hindi Indian speakers, and native Mandarin Chinese speakers. Acoustic measures were analyzed using the Computerized Speech Lab (4300B) from which formant histories were extracted from a 200-ms sample of each vowel token to obtain first formant (F1), second formant (F2), and third formant (F3) frequencies. Significant group differences for the main effect of culture and race were found. For the main effect gender, sexual dimorphism in vowel formants was evidenced for all cultures and races across all three vowels. The acoustic differences found are attributed to cultural-linguistic factors.     

The effects of tongue loading and auditory feedback on vowel production

This study investigated the role of sensory feedback during the production of front vowels. A temporary aftereffect induced by tongue loading was employed to modify the somatosensory-based perception of tongue height. Following the removal of tongue loading, tongue height during vowel production was estimated by measuring the frequency of the first formant (F1) from the acoustic signal. In experiment 1, the production of front vowels following tongue loading was investigated either in the presence or absence of auditory feedback. With auditory feedback available, the tongue height of front vowels was not modified by the aftereffect of tongue loading. By contrast, speakers did not compensate for the aftereffect of tongue loading when they produced vowels in the absence of auditory feedback. In experiment 2, the characteristics of the masking noise were manipulated such that it masked energy either in the F1 region or in the region of the second and higher formants. The results showed that the adjustment of tongue height during the production of front vowels depended on information about F1 in the auditory feedback. These findings support the idea that speech goals include both auditory and somatosensory targets and that speakers are able to make use of information from both sensory modalities to maximize the accuracy of speech production.     

Acoustic characteristics of English lexical stress produced by native Mandarin speakers

Native speakers of Mandarin Chinese have difficulty producing native-like English stress contrasts. Acoustically, English lexical stress is multidimensional, involving manipulation of fundamental frequency (F0), duration, intensity and vowel quality. Errors in any or all of these correlates could interfere with perception of the stress contrast, but it is unknown which correlates are most problematic for Mandarin speakers. This study compares the use of these correlates in the production of lexical stress contrasts by 10 Mandarin and 10 native English speakers. Results showed that Mandarin speakers produced significantly less native-like stress patterns, although they did use all four acoustic correlates to distinguish stressed from unstressed syllables. Mandarin and English speakers' use of amplitude and duration were comparable for both stressed and unstressed syllables, but Mandarin speakers produced stressed syllables with a higher F0 than English speakers. There were also significant differences in formant patterns across groups, such that Mandarin speakers produced English-like vowel reduction in certain unstressed syllables, but not in others. Results suggest that Mandarin speakers' production of lexical stress contrasts in English is influenced partly by native-language experience with Mandarin lexical tones, and partly by similarities and differences between Mandarin and English vowel inventories.     

A study of sentence stress production in Mandarin speakers of American English

Acoustic characteristics of American English sentence stress produced by native Mandarin speakers are reported. Fundamental frequency (F0), vowel duration, and vowel intensity in the sentence-level stress produced by 40 Mandarin speakers were compared to those of 40 American English speakers. Results obtained from two methods of stress calculation indicated that Mandarin speakers of American English are able to differentiate stressed and unstressed words according to features of F0, duration, and intensity. Although the group of Mandarin speakers were able to signal stress in their sentence productions, the acoustic characteristics of stress were not identical to the American speakers. Mandarin speakers were found to produce stressed words with a significantly higher F0 and shorter duration compared to the American speakers. The groups also differed in production of unstressed words with Mandarin speakers using a higher F0 and greater intensity compared to American speakers. Although the acoustic differences observed may reflect an interference of L1 Mandarin in the production of L2 American English, the outcome of this study suggests no critical divergence between these speakers in the way they implement American English sentence stress.     

Probing the independence of formant control using altered auditory feedback

Two auditory feedback perturbation experiments were conducted to examine the nature of control of the first two formants in vowels. In the first experiment, talkers heard their auditory feedback with either F1 or F2 shifted in frequency. Talkers altered production of the perturbed formant by changing its frequency in the opposite direction to the perturbation but did not produce a correlated alteration of the unperturbed formant. Thus, the motor control system is capable of fine-grained independent control of F1 and F2. In the second experiment, a large meta-analysis was conducted on data from talkers who received feedback where both F1 and F2 had been perturbed. A moderate correlation was found between individual compensations in F1 and F2 suggesting that the control of F1 and F2 is processed in a common manner at some level. While a wide range of individual compensation magnitudes were observed, no significant correlations were found between individuals' compensations and vowel space differences. Similarly, no significant correlations were found between individuals' compensations and variability in normal vowel production. Further, when receiving normal auditory feedback, most of the population exhibited no significant correlation between the natural variation in production of F1 and F2.     

Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.     

Acoustic and perceptual similarity of Japanese and American English vowels

Acoustic and perceptual similarities between Japanese and American English (AE) vowels were investigated in two studies. In study 1, a series of discriminant analyses were performed to determine acoustic similarities between Japanese and AE vowels, each spoken by four native male speakers using F1, F2, and vocalic duration as input parameters. In study 2, the Japanese vowels were presented to native AE listeners in a perceptual assimilation task, in which the listeners categorized each Japanese vowel token as most similar to an AE category and rated its goodness as an exemplar of the chosen AE category. Results showed that the majority of AE listeners assimilated all Japanese vowels into long AE categories, apparently ignoring temporal differences between 1- and 2-mora Japanese vowels. In addition, not all perceptual assimilation patterns reflected context-specific spectral similarity patterns established by discriminant analysis. It was hypothesized that this incongruity between acoustic and perceptual similarity may be due to differences in distributional characteristics of native and non-native vowel categories that affect the listeners' perceptual judgments.     

Acoustic analysis of monophthong and diphthong production in acquired severe to profound hearing loss

The effect of diminished auditory feedback on monophthong and diphthong production was examined in postlingually deafened Australian-English speaking adults. The participants were 4 female and 3 male speakers with severe to profound hearing loss, who were compared to 11 age- and accent-matched normally hearing speakers. The test materials were 5 repetitions of hVd words containing 18 vowels. Acoustic measures that were studied included F1, F2, discrete cosine transform coefficients (DCTs), and vowel duration information. The durational analyses revealed increased total vowel durations with a maintenance of the tense/lax vowel distinctions in the deafened speakers. The deafened speakers preserved a differentiated vowel space, although there were some gender-specific differences seen. For example, there was a retraction of F2 in the front vowels for the female speakers that did not occur in the males. However, all deafened speakers showed a close correspondence between the monophthong and diphthong formant movements that did occur. Gaussian classification highlighted vowel confusions resulting from changes in the deafened vowel space. The results support the view that postlingually deafened speakers maintain reasonably good speech intelligibility, in part by employing production strategies designed to bolster auditory feedback.     

Developmental study of vowel formant frequencies in an imitation task.

Imitations of ten synthesized vowels were recorded from 33 speakers including men, women, and children. The first three formant frequencies of the imitations were estimated from spectrograms and considered with respect to developmental patterns in vowel formant structure, uniform scale factors for vowel normalization, and formant variability. Strong linear effects were observed in the group data for imitations of most of the English vowels studied, and straight lines passing through the origin provided a satisfactory fit to linear F1--F2 plots of the English vowel data. Logarithmic transformations of the formant frequencies helped substantially to equalize the dispersion of the group data for different vowels, but formant scale factors were observed to vary somewhat with both formant number and vowel identity. Variability of formant frequency was least for F1 (s.d. of 60 Hz or less for English vowels of adult males) and about equal for F2 and F3 (s.d. of 100 Hz or less for English vowels of adult males).     

Vowel recognition via cochlear implants and noise vocoders: effects of formant movement and duration

Previous work has demonstrated that normal-hearing individuals use fine-grained phonetic variation, such as formant movement and duration, when recognizing English vowels. The present study investigated whether these cues are used by adult postlingually deafened cochlear implant users, and normal-hearing individuals listening to noise-vocoder simulations of cochlear implant processing. In Experiment 1, subjects gave forced-choice identification judgments for recordings of vowels that were signal processed to remove formant movement and/or equate vowel duration. In Experiment 2, a goodness-optimization procedure was used to create perceptual vowel space maps (i.e., best exemplars within a vowel quadrilateral) that included F1, F2, formant movement, and duration. The results demonstrated that both cochlear implant users and normal-hearing individuals use formant movement and duration cues when recognizing English vowels. Moreover, both listener groups used these cues to the same extent, suggesting that postlingually deafened cochlear implant users have category representations for vowels that are similar to those of normal-hearing individuals.     

Accuracy and variability of acoustic measures of voicing onset

Five commonly used methods for determining the onset of voicing of syllable-initial stop consonants were compared. The speech and glottal activity of 16 native speakers of Cantonese with normal voice quality were investigated during the production of consonant vowel (CV) syllables in Cantonese. Syllables consisted of the initial consonants /ph/, /th/, /kh/, /p/, /t/, and /k/ followed by the vowel /a/. All syllables had a high level tone, and were all real words in Cantonese. Measurements of voicing onset were made based on the onset of periodicity in the acoustic waveform, and on spectrographic measures of the onset of a voicing bar (f0), the onset of the first formant (F1), second formant (F2), and third formant (F3). These measurements were then compared against the onset of glottal opening as determined by electroglottography. Both accuracy and variability of each measure were calculated. Results suggest that the presence of aspiration in a syllable decreased the accuracy and increased the variability of spectrogram-based measurements, but did not strongly affect measurements made from the acoustic waveform. Overall, the acoustic waveform provided the most accurate estimate of voicing onset; measurements made from the amplitude waveform were also the least variable of the five measures. These results can be explained as a consequence of differences in spectral tilt of the voicing source in breathy versus modal phonation.     

Cross-linguistic studies of children's and adults' vowel spaces

This study examines cross-linguistic variation in the location of shared vowels in the vowel space across five languages (Cantonese, American English, Greek, Japanese, and Korean) and three age groups (2-year-olds, 5-year-olds, and adults). The vowels /a/, /i/, and /u/ were elicited in familiar words using a word repetition task. The productions of target words were recorded and transcribed by native speakers of each language. For correctly produced vowels, first and second formant frequencies were measured. In order to remove the effect of vocal tract size on these measurements, a normalization approach that calculates distance and angular displacement from the speaker centroid was adopted. Language-specific differences in the location of shared vowels in the formant values as well as the shape of the vowel spaces were observed for both adults and children.     

Production of the word-final English /t/-/d/ contrast by native speakers of English, Mandarin, and Spanish.

The primary aim of this study was to determine if adults whose native language permits neither voiced nor voiceless stops to occur in word-final position can master the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Native English-speaking listeners identified the voicing feature in word-final stops produced by talkers in five groups: native speakers of English, experienced and inexperienced native Spanish speakers of English, and experienced and inexperienced native Mandarin speakers of English. Contrary to hypothesis, the experienced second language (L2) learners' stops were not identified significantly better than stops produced by the inexperienced L2 learners; and their stops were correctly identified significantly less often than stops produced by the native English speakers. Acoustic analyses revealed that the native English speakers made vowels significantly longer before /d/ than /t/, produced /t/-final words with a higher F1 offset frequency than /d/-final words, produced more closure voicing in /d/ than /t/, and sustained closure longer for /t/ than /d/. The L2 learners produced the same kinds of acoustic differences between /t/ and /d/, but theirs were usually of significantly smaller magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that only a few of the 40 L2 learners examined in the present study had mastered the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Several possible explanations for this negative finding are presented. Multiple regression analyses revealed that the native English listeners made perceptual use of the small, albeit significant, vowel duration differences produced in minimal pairs by the nonnative speakers. A significantly stronger correlation existed between vowel duration differences and the listeners' identifications of final stops in minimal pairs when the perceptual judgments were obtained in an "edited" condition (where post-vocalic cues were removed) than in a "full cue" condition. This suggested that listeners may modify their identification of stops based on the availability of acoustic cues.     

Perceptuomotor bias in the imitation of steady-state vowels

Previous studies suggest that speakers are systematically inaccurate, or biased, when imitating self-produced vowels. The direction of these biases in formant space and their variation may offer clues about the organization of the vowel perceptual space. To examine these patterns, three male speakers were asked to imitate 45 self-produced vowels that were systematically distributed in F1/F2 space. All three speakers showed imitation bias, and the bias magnitudes were significantly larger than those predicted by a model of articulatory noise. Each speaker showed a different pattern of bias directions, but the pattern was unrelated to the locations of prototypical vowels produced by that speaker. However, there were substantial quantitative regularities: (1) The distribution of imitation variability and bias magnitudes were similar for all speakers, (2) the imitation variability was independent of the bias magnitudes, and (3) the imitation variability (a production measure) was commensurate with the formant discrimination limen (a perceptual measure). These results indicate that there is additive Gaussian noise in the imitation process that independently affects each formant and that there are speaker-dependent and potentially nonlinguistic biases in vowel perception and production.     

Effects of deafness on acoustic characteristics of American English tense/lax vowels in maternal speech to infants

Recent studies have demonstrated that mothers exaggerate phonetic properties of infant-directed (ID) speech. However, these studies focused on a single acoustic dimension (frequency), whereas speech sounds are composed of multiple acoustic cues. Moreover, little is known about how mothers adjust phonetic properties of speech to children with hearing loss. This study examined mothers' production of frequency and duration cues to the American English tense/lax vowel contrast in speech to profoundly deaf (N?=?14) and normal-hearing (N?=?14) infants, and to an adult experimenter. First and second formant frequencies and vowel duration of tense (/i/,?/u/) and lax (/I/,?/?/) vowels were measured. Results demonstrated that for both infant groups mothers hyperarticulated the acoustic vowel space and increased vowel duration in ID speech relative to adult-directed speech. Mean F2 values were decreased for the /u/ vowel and increased for the /I/ vowel, and vowel duration was longer for the /i/, /u/, and /I/ vowels in ID speech. However, neither acoustic cue differed in speech to hearing-impaired or normal-hearing infants. These results suggest that both formant frequencies and vowel duration that differentiate American English tense/lx vowel contrasts are modified in ID speech regardless of the hearing status of the addressee.     

A perceptual model of vowel recognition based on the auditory representation of American English vowels

A quantitative perceptual model of human vowel recognition based upon psychoacoustic and speech perception data is described. At an intermediate auditory stage of processing, the specific bark difference level of the model represents the pattern of peripheral auditory excitation as the distance in critical bands (barks) between neighboring formants and between the fundamental frequency (F0) and first formant (F1). At a higher, phonetic stage of processing, represented by the critical bark difference level of the model, the transformed vowels may be dichotomously classified based on whether the difference between formants in each dimension falls within or exceeds the critical distance of 3 bark for the spectral center of gravity effect [Chistovich et al., Hear. Res. 1, 185-195 (1979)]. Vowel transformations and classifications correspond well to several major phonetic dimensions and features by which vowels are perceived and traditionally classified. The F1-F0 dimension represents vowel height, and high vowels have F1-F0 differences within 3 bark. The F3-F2 dimension corresponds to vowel place of articulation, and front vowels have F3-F2 differences of less than 3 bark. As an inherent, speaker-independent normalization procedure, the model provides excellent vowel clustering while it greatly reduces between-speaker variability. It offers robust normalization through feature classification because gross binary categorization allows for considerable acoustic variability. There was generally less formant and bark difference variability for closely spaced formants than for widely spaced formants. These findings agree with independently observed perceptual results and support Stevens' quantal theory of vowel production and perceptual constraints on production predicted from the critical bark difference level of the model.     

Separability of prosodic phrase boundary and phonemic information

It was hypothesized that the retrieval of prosodic and phonemic information from the acoustic signal is facilitated when prosodic information is encoded by co-occurring suprasegmental cues. To test the hypothesis, two-choice speeded classification experiments were conducted, which examined processing interaction between prosodic phrase-boundary vs stop-place information in speakers of Southern British English. Results confirmed that the degree of interaction between boundary and stop-place information diminished when the pre-boundary vowel was signaled by duration and F(0), compared to when it was signaled by either duration or F(0) alone. It is argued that the relative ease of retrieval of prosodic and phonemic information arose from advantages of prosodic cue integration.     

Speaker compensation for local perturbation of fricative acoustic feedback

Feedback perturbation studies of speech acoustics have revealed a great deal about how speakers monitor and control their productions of segmental (e.g., formant frequencies) and non-segmental (e.g., pitch) linguistic elements. The majority of previous work, however, overlooks the role of acoustic feedback in consonant production and makes use of acoustic manipulations that effect either entire utterances or the entire acoustic signal, rather than more temporally and phonetically restricted alterations. This study, therefore, seeks to expand the feedback perturbation literature by examining perturbation of consonant acoustics that is applied in a time-restricted and phonetically specific manner. The spectral center of the alveopalatal fricative [∫] produced in vowel-fricative-vowel nonwords was incrementally raised until it reached the potential for [s]-like frequencies, but the characteristics of high-frequency energy outside the target fricative remained unaltered. An "offline," more widely accessible signal processing method was developed to perform this manipulation. The local feedback perturbation resulted in changes to speakers' fricative production that were more variable, idiosyncratic, and restricted than the compensation seen in more global acoustic manipulations reported in the literature. Implications and interpretations of the results, as well as future directions for research based on the findings, are discussed.     

Temporal characteristics of nasalization in children and adult speakers of American English and Korean during production of three vowel contexts

The purpose of this study was to identify and compare the temporal characteristics of nasalization in relation to (1) languages, (2) vowel contexts, and (3) age groups. Two distinct acoustic energies from the mouth and nose were recorded during speech production (/pamap, pimip, pumup/) using two microphones to obtain the absolute and proportional measurements on the acoustic temporal characteristics of nasalization. Twenty-eight normal adults (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) and 28 normal children (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) participated in this study. In both languages, adults showed shorter duration of nasalization than children within all three vowel contexts. The high vowel context revealed longer duration of nasalization than the low vowel context in both languages. There was no significant difference of temporal characteristics of nasalization between American English and Korean. Nasalization showed different timing characteristics between children and adults across vowel contexts. The results are discussed in association with developmental coarticulation and the relationship between acoustic consequences of articulatory events and vowel height.