What's in a whisper?

Whispering is a common, natural way of reducing speech perceptibility, but whether and how whispering affects consonant identification and the acoustic features presumed important for it in normal speech perception are unknown. In this experiment, untrained listeners identified 18 different whispered initial consonants significantly better than chance in nonsense syllables. The phonetic features of place and manner of articulation and, to a lesser extent, voicing, were correctly identified. Confusion matrix and acoustic analyses indicated preservation of resonance characteristics for place and manner of articulation and suggested the use of burst, aspiration, or frication duration and intensity, and/or first-formant cutback for voicing decisions.     

Preliminary observations on the use of duration as a cue to syllable-initial fricative consonant voicing in English

Acoustic analyses were undertaken to explore the durational characteristics of the fricatives [f,theta,s,v,delta z] as cues to initial consonant voicing in English. Based on reports on the perception of voiced-voiceless fricatives, it was expected that there would be clear-cut duration differences distinguishing voiced and voiceless fricatives. Preliminary results for three speakers indicate that, although differences emerged in the overall mean duration of voiced and voiceless fricatives, contrary to expectations, there was a great deal of overlap in the duration distribution of voiced and voiceless fricative tokens. Further research is needed to examine the role of duration as a cue to syllable-initial fricative consonant voicing in English.     

Context effects in recognizing syllable-final /z/ and /s/ in different phrasal positions

An examination of the effect of phrase-final lengthening on the temporal correlates of voicing in syllable-final /s/ and /z/ was conducted. Discriminant analyses revealed that a combination of vowel duration, frication duration, and the duration of simultaneous voicing and frication was quite successful in determining voicing independently of phrase-final lengthening. Two perceptual experiments revealed that human listeners' recognition of the segments does benefit from hearing the syllables in sentential context as opposed to when they are excised from context and presented in isolation. The benefit was greatest for /s/ in phrase-final position and /z/ in phrase-internal position. This suggests that the presence of sentential context allows listeners to factor out the influence of phrase-final lengthening on vowel duration and to more accurately interpret this cue to voicing of the final fricative. These findings extend previous results on rate-dependent processing of overall speaking rate to the processing of local speaking rate. By doing so, they provide further evidence of the importance of extended phonetic context in speech recognition.     

On the role of the amplitude of the fricative noise in the perception of place of articulation in voiceless fricative consonants

The current study explores the role of the amplitude of the fricative noise in the perception of place of articulation in voiceless fricative consonants. The amplitude of the fricative noise in naturally produced fricative-vowel utterances was varied relative to the vowel and potential changes in perceptual responses were investigated. The amplitude of the fricative noise for [s] and [s] was reduced such that the amplitude of the noise relative to the vowel was similar to [f] and [O], and, conversely, the amplitude of the fricative noise of [f] and [O] was increased such that the amplitude of the noise relative to the vowel was similar to [s] and [s]. The fricative noise was presented to listeners in both its vowel context and in isolation. Results indicated that, when the spectral properties of the fricative noise and formant transitions are compatible, the perceptual effects of the amplitude manipulation of the amplitude of the noise had a small effect on the overall identification of place of articulation, and when effects emerged, they varied across the different fricative stimuli. Moreover, although decreasing the amplitude of [s] and [s] resulted in an increase in [f] and [O] responses, increasing the amplitude of [f] and [O] did not result in an increase in [s] and [s] responses. Implications of these findings for phonetic feature theories are considered.     

Perceptual cues to the voiced-voiceless distinction of final fricatives for listeners with impaired or with normal hearing

Cues to the voicing distinction for final /f,s,v,z/ were assessed for 24 impaired- and 11 normal-hearing listeners. In base-line tests the listeners identified the consonants in recorded /d circumflex C/ syllables. To assess the importance of various cues, tests were conducted of the syllables altered by deletion and/or temporal adjustment of segments containing acoustic patterns related to the voicing distinction for the fricatives. The results showed that decreasing the duration of /circumflex/ preceding /v/ or /z/, and lengthening the /circumflex/ preceding /f/ or /s/, considerably reduced the correctness of voicing perception for the hearing-impaired group, while showing no effect for the normal-hearing group. For the normals, voicing perception deteriorated for /f/ and /s/ when the frications were deleted from the syllables, and for /v/ and /z/ when the vowel offsets were removed from the syllables with duration-adjusted vowels and deleted frications. We conclude that some hearing-impaired listeners rely to a greater extent on vowel duration as a voicing cue than do normal-hearing listeners.     

Perception of the [m]-[n] distinction in consonant-vowel (CV) and vowel-consonant (VC) syllables produced by child and adult talkers

The contribution of the nasal murmur and vocalic formant transition to the perception of the [m]-[n] distinction by adult listeners was investigated for speakers of different ages in both consonant-vowel (CV) and vowel-consonant (VC) syllables. Three children in each of the speaker groups 3, 5, and 7 years old, and three adult females and three adult males produced CV and VC syllables consisting of either [m] or [n] and followed or preceded by [i ae u a], respectively. Two productions of each syllable were edited into seven murmur and transitions segments. Across speaker groups, a segment including the last 25 ms of the murmur and the first 25 ms of the vowel yielded higher perceptual identification of place of articulation than any other segment edited from the CV syllable. In contrast, the corresponding vowel+murmur segment in the VC syllable position improved nasal identification relative to other segment types for only the adult talkers. Overall, the CV syllable was perceptually more distinctive than the VC syllable, but this distinctiveness interacted with speaker group and stimulus duration. As predicted by previous studies and the current results of perceptual testing, acoustic analyses of adult syllable productions showed systematic differences between labial and alveolar places of articulation, but these differences were only marginally observed in the youngest children's speech. Also predicted by the current perceptual results, these acoustic properties differentiating place of articulation of nasal consonants were reliably different for CV syllables compared to VC syllables. A series of comparisons of perceptual data across speaker groups, segment types, and syllable shape provided strong support, in adult speakers, for the "discontinuity hypothesis" [K. N. Stevens, in Phonetic Linguistics: Essays in Honor of Peter Ladefoged, edited by V. A. Fromkin (Academic, London, 1985), pp. 243-255], according to which spectral discontinuities at acoustic boundaries provide critical cues to the perception of place of articulation. In child speakers, the perceptual support for the "discontinuity hypothesis" was weaker and the results indicative of developmental changes in speech production.     

A timing model for word-initial CV syllables in Modern Greek

Measurements of the temporal characteristics of word-initial stressed syllables in CV CV-type words in Modern Greek showed that the timing of the initial consonant in terms of its closure duration and voice onset time (VOT) is dependent on place and manner of articulation. This is contrary to recent accounts of word-initial voiceless consonants in English which propose that closure and VOT together comprise a voiceless interval independent of place and manner of articulation. The results also contribute to the development of a timing model for Modern Greek which generates closure, VOT, and vowel durations for word-initial, stressed CV syllables. The model is made up of a series of rules operating in an ordered fashion on a given word duration to derive first a stressed syllable duration and then all intrasyllabic acoustic intervals.     

Amplitude modulation of turbulence noise by voicing in fricatives

The two principal sources of sound in speech, voicing and frication, occur simultaneously in voiced fricatives as well as at the vowel-fricative boundary in phonologically voiceless fricatives. Instead of simply overlapping, the two sources interact. This paper is an acoustic study of one such interaction effect: the amplitude modulation of the frication component when voicing is present. Corpora of sustained and fluent-speech English fricatives were recorded and analyzed using a signal-processing technique designed to extract estimates of modulation depth. Results reveal a pattern, consistent across speaking style, speaker, and place of articulation, for modulation at fo to rise at low voicing strengths and subsequently saturate. Voicing strength needed to produce saturation varied 60-66 dB across subjects and experimental conditions. Modulation depths at saturation varied little across speakers but significantly for place of articulation (with [z] showing particularly strong modulation) clustering at approximately 0.4-0.5 (a 40%-50% fluctuation above and below unmodulated amplitude); spectral analysis of modulating signals revealed weak but detectable modulation at the second and third harmonics (i.e., 2fo and 3fo).     

Context-independent dynamic information for the perception of coarticulated vowels.

Most investigators agree that the acoustic information for American English vowels includes dynamic (time-varying) parameters as well as static "target" information contained in a single cross section of the syllable. Using the silent-center (SC) paradigm, the present experiment examined the case in which the initial and final portions of stop consonant-vowel-stop consonant (CVC) syllables containing the same vowel but different consonants were recombined into mixed-consonant SC syllables and presented to listeners for vowel identification. Ten vowels were spoken in six different syllables, /b Vb, bVd, bVt, dVb, dVd, dVt/, embedded in a carrier sentence. Initial and final transitional portions of these syllables were cross-matched in: (1) silent-center syllables with original syllable durations (silences) preserved (mixed-consonant SC condition) and (2) mixed-consonant SC syllables with syllable duration equated across the ten vowels (fixed duration mixed-consonant SC condition). Vowel-identification accuracy in these two mixed consonant SC conditions was compared with performance on the original SC and fixed duration SC stimuli, and in initial and final control conditions in which initial and final transitional portions were each presented alone. Vowels were identified highly accurately in both mixed-consonant SC and original syllable SC conditions (only 7%-8% overall errors). Neutralizing duration information led to small, but significant, increases in identification errors in both mixed-consonant and original fixed-duration SC conditions (14%-15% errors), but performance was still much more accurate than for initial and finals control conditions (35% and 52% errors, respectively). Acoustical analysis confirmed that direction and extent of formant change from initial to final portions of mixed-consonant stimuli differed from that of original syllables, arguing against a target + offglide explanation of the perceptual results. Results do support the hypothesis that temporal trajectories specifying "style of movement" provide information for the differentiation of American English tense and lax vowels, and that this information is invariant over the place of articulation and voicing of the surrounding stop consonants.     

VCVs vs CVCs for stop/fricative distinctions by hearing-impaired and normal-hearing listeners

Moderately to profoundly hearing-impaired (n = 30) and normal-hearing (n = 6) listeners identified [p, k, t, f, theta, s] in [symbol; see text], and [symbol; see text]s tokens extracted from spoken sentences. The [symbol; see text]s were also identified in the sentences. The hearing-impaired group distinguished stop/fricative manner more poorly for [symbol; see text] in sentences than when extracted. Further, the group's performance for extracted [symbol; see text] was poorer than for extracted [symbol; see text] and [symbol; see text]. For the normal-hearing group, consonant identification was similar among the syllable and sentence contexts.     

Age differences for stop-consonant and vowel perception in adults

The purpose of this study was to determine the role of static, dynamic, and integrated cues for perception in three adult age groups, and to determine whether age has an effect on both consonant and vowel perception, as predicted by the "age-related deficit hypothesis." Eight adult subjects in each of the age ranges of young (ages 20-26), middle aged (ages 52-59), and old (ages 70-76) listened to synthesized syllables composed of combinations of [b d g] and [i u a]. The synthesis parameters included manipulations of the following stimulus variables: formant transition (moving or straight), noise burst (present or absent), and voicing duration (10, 30, or 46 ms). Vowel perception was high across all conditions and there were no significant differences among age groups. Consonant identification showed a definite effect of age. Young and middle-aged adults were significantly better than older adults at identifying consonants from secondary cues only. Older adults relied on the integration of static and dynamic cues to a greater extent than younger and middle-aged listeners for identification of place of articulation of stop consonants. Duration facilitated correct stop-consonant identification in the young and middle-aged groups for the no-burst conditions, but not in the old group. These findings for the duration of stop-consonant transitions indicate reductions in processing speed with age. In general, the results did not support the age-related deficit hypothesis for adult identification of vowels and consonants from dynamic spectral cues.     

On the perception of voicing in syllable-initial plosives in noise

Previous studies [Lisker, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 57, 1547-1551 (1975); Summerfield and Haggard, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 62, 435-448 (1977)] have shown that voice onset time (VOT) and the onset frequency of the first formant are important perceptual cues of voicing in syllable-initial plosives. Most prior work, however, has focused on speech perception in quiet environments. The present study seeks to determine which cues are important for the perception of voicing in syllable-initial plosives in the presence of noise. Perceptual experiments were conducted using stimuli consisting of naturally spoken consonant-vowel syllables by four talkers in various levels of additive white Gaussian noise. Plosives sharing the same place of articulation and vowel context (e.g., /pa,ba/) were presented to subjects in two alternate forced choice identification tasks, and a threshold signal-to-noise-ratio (SNR) value (corresponding to the 79% correct classification score) was estimated for each voiced/voiceless pair. The threshold SNR values were then correlated with several acoustic measurements of the speech tokens. Results indicate that the onset frequency of the first formant is critical in perceiving voicing in syllable-initial plosives in additive white Gaussian noise, while the VOT duration is not.     

Voiceless affricate/fricative distinction by frication duration and amplitude rise slope

Previous psychophysical studies have shown that the perceptual distinction between voiceless fricatives and affricates in consonant-vowel syllables depends primarily on frication duration, whereas amplitude rise slope was suggested as the cue in automatic classification experiments. The effects of both cues on the manner of articulation between /integral of/ and /t integral of/ were investigated. Subjects performed a forced-choice task (/integral of/ or /t integral of) in response to edited waveforms of Japanese fricatives /integral of i/, /integral of u/, and /integral of a/. We found that frication duration, onset slope, and the interaction between duration and onset slope influenced the perceptual distinction. That is, the percent of /integral of/ responses increased with an increase in frication duration (experiments 1-3). The percent of /integral of/ responses also increased with a decrease in slope steepness (experiment 3), and the relative importance between slope portions was not even but weighted at onset (experiments 1 and 2). There was an interaction between the two cues of frication duration and steepness. The relative importance of the slope cue was maximum at a frication duration of 150 ms (experiment 3). It is concluded that the frication duration and amplitude rise slope at frication onset are acoustic cues that discriminate between /integral of/ and /t integral of/, and that the two cues interact with each other.     

Physiological control of sibilant duration: insights afforded by speech compensation to dental prostheses.

Temporal relationships among tongue contact, phonation, and presence of frication were examined for /s/ and /z/. In cases where /s/ and /z/ were produced with a supraglottal articulation of the same duration, the duration of the resulting frication was 17 ms longer for /s/. The difference can be attributed to glottal activity. The presence of a unfamiliar dental prosthesis in the mouth caused the tongue to contact the alveolar ridge sooner and release later. This physiological effect was reflected in lengthening of frication for sibilants, but the acoustical consequences were greater and more reliable for /z/ than for /s/. Reasons for this difference were sought in adaptation of timing of tongue contact, and in aerodynamic conditions expected for voiced versus voiceless sibilants. A rapid adaptation of tongue contact timing was found, with the adaptation being greater for /s/. Timing of vocal fold adduction at the end of unvoiced sibilants, and its aerodynamic consequences, are suggested to consequences, are suggested to contribute to the relative stability of /s/ acoustical durations.     

混响环境下汉语语音知觉特征的实验分析

根据混响环境下的汉语单音节清晰度实验,采用多维尺度和聚类分析的方法得到了混响作用下声母、韵母的知觉空间结构和层次逻辑关系。发现混响环境下声母的主要知觉特征是舌的发音部位(摩擦部位)和送气一不送气,其中舌的发音部位是声母最重要的知觉特征;韵母的主要知觉特征是起始部分元音的舌位。声母的清一浊特征和韵母的韵尾在混响环境下对语音知觉几乎不起作用。实验结果也揭示出语音的知觉特征与物理传递条件的相关性。      

Acoustic cues discriminating german obstruents in place and manner of articulation

This study focuses on the extraction of robust acoustic cues of labial and alveolar voiceless obstruents in German and their acoustic differences in the speech signal to distinguish them in place and manner of articulation. The investigated obstruents include the affricates [pf] and [ts], the fricatives [f] and [s] and the stops [p] and [t]. The target sounds were analyzed in word-initial and word-medial positions. The speech data for the analysis were recorded in a natural environment, deliberately containing background noise to extract robust cues only. Three methods of acoustic analysis were chosen: (1) temporal measurements to distinguish the respective obstruents in manner of articulation, (2) static spectral characteristics in terms of logarithmic distance measure to distinguish place of articulation, and (3) amplitudinal analysis of discrete frequency bands as a dynamic approach to place distinction. The results reveal that the duration of the target phonemes distinguishes these in manner of articulation. Logarithmic distance measure, as well as relative amplitude analysis of discrete frequency bands, identifies place of articulation. The present results contribute to the question, which properties are robust with respect to variation in the speech signal.     

Consonant confusions in white noise

The classic [MN55] confusion matrix experiment (16 consonants, white noise masker) was repeated by using computerized procedures, similar to those of Phatak and Allen (2007). ["Consonant and vowel confusions in speech-weighted noise," J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 121, 2312-2316]. The consonant scores in white noise can be categorized in three sets: low-error set [/m/, /n/], average-error set [/p/, /t/, /k/, /s/, /[please see text]/, /d/, /g/, /z/, /Z/], and high-error set /f/theta/b/, /v/, /E/,/theta/]. The consonant confusions match those from MN55, except for the highly asymmetric voicing confusions of fricatives, biased in favor of voiced consonants. Masking noise cannot only reduce the recognition of a consonant, but also perceptually morph it into another consonant. There is a significant and systematic variability in the scores and confusion patterns of different utterances of the same consonant, which can be characterized as (a) confusion heterogeneity, where the competitors in the confusion groups of a consonant vary, and (b) threshold variability, where confusion threshold [i.e., signal-to-noise ratio (SNR) and score at which the confusion group is formed] varies. The average consonant error and errors for most of the individual consonants and consonant sets can be approximated as exponential functions of the articulation index (AI). An AI that is based on the peak-to-rms ratios of speech can explain the SNR differences across experiments.     

Speech changes following reimplantation from a single-channel to a multichannel cochlear implant.

The speech of a postlingually deafened preadolescent was recorded and analyzed while a single-electrode cochlear implant (3M/House) was in operation, on two occasions after it failed (1 day and 18 days) and on three occasions after stimulation of a multichannel cochlear implant (Nucleus 22) (1 day, 6 months, and 1 year). Listeners judged 3M/House tokens to be the most normal until the subject had one year's experience with the Nucleus device. Spectrograms showed less aspiration, better formant definition and longer final frication and closure duration post-Nucleus stimulation (6 MO. NUCLEUS and 1 YEAR NUCLEUS) relative to the 3M/House and no auditory feedback conditions. Acoustic measurements after loss of auditory feedback (1 DAY FAIL and 18 DAYS FAIL) indicated a constriction of vowel space. Appropriately higher fundamental frequency for stressed than unstressed syllables, an expansion of vowel space and improvement in some aspects of production of voicing, manner and place of articulation were noted one year post-Nucleus stimulation. Loss of auditory feedback results are related to the literature on the effects of postlingual deafness on speech. Nucleus and 3M/House effects on speech are discussed in terms of speech production studies of single-electrode and multichannel patients.     

The perceptual effects of child-adult differences in fricative-vowel coarticulation

Earlier work [Nittrouer et al., J. Speech Hear. Res. 32, 120-132 (1989)] demonstrated greater evidence of coarticulation in the fricative-vowel syllables of children than in those of adults when measured by anticipatory vowel effects on the resonant frequency of the fricative back cavity. In the present study, three experiments showed that this increased coarticulation led to improved vowel recognition from the fricative noise alone: Vowel identification by adult listeners was better overall for children's productions and was successful earlier in the fricative noise. This enhanced vowel recognition for children's samples was obtained in spite of the fact that children's and adults' samples were randomized together, therefore indicating that listeners were able to normalize the vowel information within a fricative noise where there often was acoustic evidence of only one formant associated primarily with the vowel. Correct vowel judgments were found to be largely independent of fricative identification. However, when another coarticulatory effect, the lowering of the main spectral prominence of the fricative noise for /u/ versus /i/, was taken into account, vowel judgments were found to interact with fricative identification. The results show that listeners are sensitive to the greater coarticulation in children's fricative-vowel syllables, and that, in some circumstances, they do not need to make a correct identification of the most prominently specified phone in order to make a correct identification of a coarticulated one.