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Amadeo Murase 《Ambix》2020,67(1):47-61
As William R. Newman has already shown, the alchemical homunculus described in the pseudo-Paracelsian writing De natura rerum was not the only kind of “homunculus” present in the works of (or attributed to) Paracelsus. Two other important kinds of “homunculi” indeed appeared in other treatises: one in De homunculis et monstris and the other in both Vom langen Leben and the Liber de imaginibus. This article focuses on the latter tract and its relationships with De natura rerum. After discussing the authenticity of the Liber de imaginibus, I will provide a brief analysis of its content and discuss the major topics common to the two treatises: the “signatures of things” and the homunculus. By studying the reception of the latter, I will show how the alchemical conception of the homunculus, as explained in De natura rerum, quickly established itself as the most prominent notion despite the fact that the golem-like version of Vom langen Leben and De imaginibus had nearly as much success at first among Paracelsians.  相似文献   

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《Ambix》2013,60(3):202-225
Abstract

This article explores the strategies of and the reasons behind the reworking of pseudo-Albertus Magnus's Semita recta into the Mirror of Lights. I argue that the redactor sought to provide a more comprehensive defence of the legitimacy of alchemy than found in the Semita recta. In the process of doing so, he reshaped the original text so as to present three units that addressed different parts of the alchemical opus: first, theory and justification of alchemy; second, basic information on substances and procedures; and, third, practice. The redactor employed sophisticated textual tools identical to those seen in scholastic texts. These strategies, I argue, constitute part of the redactor's attempt to bring authority and credibility to his project and to alchemy in general. Certainly, much more attention needs to be paid to these experiments of textual alchemy in order to understand the practice of alchemy in the late medieval period.  相似文献   

5.
Neil Tarrant 《Ambix》2018,65(3):210-231
In the latter half of the sixteenth century the Roman Inquisition developed criteria to prosecute a series of operative arts, including various forms of divination and magic. Its officials had little interest in alchemy. During that period the Roman Inquisition tried few people for practising alchemy, and it was rarely discussed in official documents. Justifications for prosecuting alchemists did exist, however. In his influential handbook, Directorium inquisitorum, the fourteenth-century inquisitor Nicholas Eymerich had developed a clear rationale for the investigation and prosecution of alchemists as heretics. His position was endorsed in the 1570s by Francisco Peña in his commentary on Eymerich’s handbook. In this article I explore the reasons why alchemy held this ambiguous status. I argue that members of the Dominican Order developed two traditions of thinking about alchemy from Aquinas’s thought. The first, and closest to Aquinas’s own belief, held that alchemy was a natural art that posed no danger to the Christian faith. The second, developed by Eymerich from a selective reading of Aquinas’s writings, indicated specific circumstances in which alchemists could be investigated. The Roman Inquisition’s response to alchemy vacillated between the positions advocated by Aquinas and Eymerich.  相似文献   

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In the early modern period Naples was a European centre of learning where a number of scholars engaged with alchemy. Variously perceived as a legitimate scientific practice or as a mendacious trick for gullible minds, alchemy engaged Neapolitan scholars in an ongoing dispute that involved members of the clergy. In this article I consider convents as research centres mainly engaged with medical alchemy. Specifically, I reconstruct the activity of the Dominican friar Tommaso d’Eremita. Upon his arrival at the Neapolitan convent of Santa Caterina a Formello in 1609, d’Eremita set up a laboratory where he spent years working on alchemical procedures in order to produce an elixir of life for the benefit of all. Beyond this charitable mission, I argue that members of religious orders in Naples engaged with alchemy for different purposes. In so doing, I discuss the cases of some members of religious orders in Naples who practised chrysopoeia with the aim of producing artificial noble metals.  相似文献   

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Theodore R. Delwiche 《Ambix》2020,67(4):346-365
While recent historical studies have uncovered the intercontinental reputations of New England alchemists, much still remains to be known about actual attitudes concerning alchemy in the early colonies. Focusing on a corpus of roughly a dozen untranslated, and all but entirely unexamined Latin orations (ca. 200 pages) composed by Harvard College’s presidents and students in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, I argue that these new sources reveal the ambivalent, occasionally antagonistic attitude that educated New England men held towards the art of alchemy. Appreciating what they regarded as, in some cases, selfless, Christian efforts to cure diseases, these Harvard elite speakers still worried that alongside pious investigators had cropped up some self-serving charlatans, those who cared not for the communal promises of the art, but only the base financial reward.  相似文献   

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José Vieira Leitão 《Ambix》2016,63(4):304-325
The Benedictine monk Benito Jerónimo Feijoo (1676–1764) is now considered one of the major figures of the Spanish and Iberian Enlightenment. However his work, both in Spain and in Portugal, was far from being universally acclaimed. His critical approach to the subject of alchemy in his essay “Piedra Filosofal,” published in the third volume of his magisterial Teatro Crítico Universal (1726–1739), sparked an unexpected response from the Portuguese alchemist Anselmo Castelo Branco, who sought to refute Feijoo's claims in his own work, the Ennoea. This paper presents an outline of this exchange and its position within Iberian Enlightenment circles. It further argues that Castelo Branco's defence of alchemy was informed by his political and prophetic views, in particular his adherence to the Portuguese messianic doctrine of Sebastianism.  相似文献   

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《Ambix》2013,60(2):153-168
Abstract

John Dastin, a noted alchemist who lived ca.1300, followed the lead of many of his contemporaries and predecessors in using letters to propagate his views on alchemy. This article identifies a number of letters that Dastin wrote, and includes one text addressed to a cardinal of the city of Naples. This letter is virtually a copy of a work by Arnold of Villanova. I believe that other works ascribed to Dastin will also show a great dependence on Arnold's works.  相似文献   

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none 《Ambix》2013,60(3):189-208
Abstract

George Ripley, Canon of Bridlington (ca. 1415 to ca. 1490) was one of England's most famous alchemists, whose alchemical opera attracted study and commentary throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and were printed and translated both in England and abroad. Yet Ripley's frequently baffling texts have proved resistant to scholarly interpretation. This paper attempts to unravel some of Ripley's alchemical theories and practice, firstly by identifying his major sources, and secondly by gauging his response to these texts. For instance, although Ripley's interest in the corpus of alchemical texts pseudonymously attributed to Ramon Lull is well documented, it transpires that his best known work, the Compound of Alchemy, or Twelve Gates, is actually based not on a Lullian work, but on a Latin treatise that Ripley attributed to the little-known alchemist, Guido de Montanor. Further clues to Ripley's alchemical thought can be obtained by considering his handling of a potential conflict between his two authorities, Lull and Guido. The resulting insights into Ripley's alchemy provide an instrument for assessing which of Ripley's pseudoepigraphic works can be truly called "canonical".  相似文献   

11.
《Ambix》2013,60(2):145-150
Abstract

This paper uses case studies of the cities of Nancy and Metz to demonstrate that chemistry was established as a thriving public science in the French provinces in the last decades of the old regime. It shows that physicians and apothecaries were key figures in this development. I argue that a detailed study of how such minor figures as Henry Michel du Tennetar and Pierre François Nicolas in Nancy constructed their public lives and careers can help us to a broader analysis, one that is not exclusively metropolitan, of the social, cultural, economic and political forces that shaped chemistry in France in the period of the Chemical and French Revolutions.  相似文献   

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Athanasios Rinotas 《Ambix》2017,64(3):203-219
At the beginning of the twentieth century, historians associated the alchemy of the third-century alchemist Zosimus of Panopolis with Platonism and Aristotelianism, explicating his theory of alchemical transmutation under the intellectual umbrella of these philosophical traditions. More recently, scholars of alchemy such as Christina Viano and William Newman have suggested a connection between Zosimean alchemy and Stoicism. Through a close reading of texts in Zosimus’s corpus, this paper posits a Stoic interpretation of several aspects of Zosimean alchemy, focusing on the concepts of pneuma and tension. For Zosimus, I argue, pneuma played a vital role in colouring metals, while tension conferred stability and cohesion upon metallic compounds. This interpretation suggests that Zosimus applied Stoic concepts to describe the alchemical process of tincturing metals.  相似文献   

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Matteo Martelli 《Ambix》2017,64(4):326-342
Translation played a vital role in the development and transfer of alchemy in Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. Since its origins in Graeco-Roman Egypt, alchemy was encapsulated in Greek texts which allegedly relied on Persian or Egyptian sources. Later, a variety of Greek and Byzantine writings were translated into Syriac and Arabic, and these translations were in turn fragmented and disseminated in later Arabic compendia. This paper will first review the main phases of this historical process of transmission of alchemy from one language and culture to another. Second, this process will be examined using two significant case studies: a close analysis of various quotations from Graeco-Egyptian authors (Pseudo-Democritus, Zosimus of Panopolis, and Synesius) as presented in two Arabic dialogues on alchemy, The Tome of Images and The Dialogue between āras and the King Caesar. These sources demonstrate some of the concrete textual realities that underlie general patterns of translation and reception.  相似文献   

16.
《Ambix》2013,60(3):232-254
Abstract

Historians have assumed that alchemy had a close association with mining, but exactly how and why miners were interested in alchemy remains unclear. This paper argues that alchemical theory began to be synthesised with classical and Christian theories of the earth in mining books after 1500, and served an important practical function. The theory of metals that mining officials addressed spoke of mineral vapours (Witterungen) that left visible markings on the earth's surface. The prospector searched for mineral ore in part by studying these indications. Mineral vapours also explained the functioning of the dowsing rod, which prospectors applied to the discovery of ore. Historians of early chemistry and mining have claimed that mining had a modernising influence by stripping alchemy of its theoretical component, but this paper shows something quite to the contrary: mining officials may have been sceptical of the possibility of artificial transmutation, but they were interested in a theory of the earth that could translate into prospecting knowledge.  相似文献   

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Rafał T. Prinke 《Ambix》2016,63(3):217-243
The Polish alchemist Michael Sendivogius is best known for the influential Novum lumen chymicum, a work composed of three separate texts. Sendivogius's authorship was questioned in the mid-seventeenth century, and these reservations are still held by some modern historians. On the other hand, other early modern and modern readers not only accepted his authorship of all three texts, but also ascribed as many as eleven texts to him. This paper discusses the key works published under the anagrammatised name of Sendivogius with the aim of resolving the authorship question. Newly discovered evidence makes it possible to trace the circumstances leading to the publication of these works in much greater detail than previously, and to present new arguments affirming Sendivogius's authorship. In the Tractatus de sulphure, Sendivogius promised to write another two treatises, which readers sought to identify and (in some cases) to write themselves. This paper sets out, and rejects, the arguments for including them in the corpus of genuine Sendivogian writings.  相似文献   

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《Ambix》2013,60(3):247-269
Abstract

Brian Vickers once described John Dee's Monas Hieroglyphica as "possibly the most obscure work ever written by an Englishman," asking whether there were even ten references to it in the seventeenth century. This article considers Dee's reputation as an alchemist, in particular the reception of his Monas Hieroglyphica, in Latin, French, and German texts published in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and examines two themes: first, discussion of the Monas Hieroglyphica in the context of cabbalistic calculations and Pythagorean symbolic numbers; and second, references to, and appropriations of, the hieroglyphic monad in the context of chemical notation. It shows how Dee's work was read by alchemists influenced by Trithemius's exposition of the Emerald Tablet, including major promulgators of Paracelsian thought such as Gerard Dorn, Oswald Croll, Joseph Duchesne, and Heinrich Khunrath. The article also notes how the Monas Hieroglyphica appealed to purveyors of both physical and more theosophical forms of alchemy, such as the Rosicrucian Chemical Wedding of Christian Rosencreutz. It concludes with a discussion of the somewhat surprising approval of Dee's enigmatic work from one who was utterly antagonistic to Paracelsian and Rosicrucian philosophy, the chemist Andreas Libavius, who openly admitted to using the hieroglyphic monad as the basis for the ground plan for his ideal laboratory.  相似文献   

20.
The study of varnishes from musical instruments presents the difficulty of analysing very thin layers of heterogeneous materials on samples most of which are generally brittle and difficult to prepare. Such study is crucial to the understanding of historical musical instrument varnishing practices since written sources before 1800 are very rare and not precise. Fourier-transform infrared (FTIR) spectroscopy and imaging methods were applied to identify the major chemical components within the build-up of the varnish layers on a cello made by one of the most prominent French violin-makers of the eighteenth century (Jacques Boquay, ca. 1680–1730). Two types of FTIR imaging methods were used: scanning with a synchrotron-based microscope and full-field imaging using a 2D imager with a conventional source. An interpretation of the results obtained from these studies on the Boquay cello is that the maker first applied a proteinaceous layer, probably gelatine-based animal glue. He later applied a second layer based on a mixture of a drying oil and diterpenic resin from Pinaceae sp. From an historical perspective, the results complement previous studies by describing a second technique used for musical instrument finishes at the beginning of the eighteenth century in Europe.  相似文献   

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