Factors affecting degree of perceived foreign accent in English sentences

This study used interval scaling to assess degree of perceived foreign accent in English sentences spoken by native and non-native talkers. Native English listeners gave significantly higher (i.e., more authentic) pronunciation scores to native speakers of English than to Chinese adults who began learning English at an average age of 7.6 years. The results for the "child learners" suggest that a sensitive period for speech learning is reached long before the age of 12 years, as commonly supposed. Adults who had lived in the U.S. for 5 years did not receive higher scores than those who had lived there for only 1 year, suggesting that amount of unaided second-language (L2) experience does not affect adults' L2 pronunciation beyond an initial rapid stage of learning. Native speakers of Chinese who rated the sentences for foreign accent showed the same pattern of between-group differences as the native English listeners. The more experienced of two groups of Chinese listeners differentiated native and non-native talkers to a significantly greater extent than a less experienced group, even though the subjects in both groups spoke English with equally strong foreign accents. This suggests that tacit knowledge of how L2 sentences "ought" to sound increases more rapidly than the ability to produce those sentences.     

Recognition of accented English in quiet and noise by younger and older listeners

This study investigated the effects of age and hearing loss on perception of accented speech presented in quiet and noise. The relative importance of alterations in phonetic segments vs. temporal patterns in a carrier phrase with accented speech also was examined. English sentences recorded by a native English speaker and a native Spanish speaker, together with hybrid sentences that varied the native language of the speaker of the carrier phrase and the final target word of the sentence were presented to younger and older listeners with normal hearing and older listeners with hearing loss in quiet and noise. Effects of age and hearing loss were observed in both listening environments, but varied with speaker accent. All groups exhibited lower recognition performance for the final target word spoken by the accented speaker compared to that spoken by the native speaker, indicating that alterations in segmental cues due to accent play a prominent role in intelligibility. Effects of the carrier phrase were minimal. The findings indicate that recognition of accented speech, especially in noise, is a particularly challenging communication task for older people.     

The detection of French accent by American listeners

The five experiments presented here examine the ability of listeners to detect a foreign accent. Computer editing techniques were used to isolate progressively shorter excerpts of the English spoken by native speakers of American English and French. Native English-speaking listeners judged the speech samples in one- and two-interval forced-choiced tests. They were able to detect foreign accent equally well when presented with speech edited from phrases read in isolation and produced in a spontaneous story. The listeners accurately identified the French talkers (63%-95% of the time) no matter how short were the speech samples presented: entire phrases (e.g., "two little dogs"), syllables (/tu/ or /ti/), portions of syllables corresponding to the phonetic segments /t/,/i/,/u/, and even just the first 30 ms of "two" (roughly, the release burst of /t/). Both phonetically trained listeners familiar with French-accented English and unsophisticated listeners were able to accurately detect accent. These results suggest that listeners develop very detailed phonetic category prototypes against which to evaluate speech sounds occurring in their native language.     

Second-language experience and speech-in-noise recognition: effects of talker-listener accent similarity

Previous work has shown that the intelligibility of speech in noise is degraded if the speaker and listener differ in accent, in particular when there is a disparity between native (L1) and nonnative (L2) accents. This study investigated how this talker-listener interaction is modulated by L2 experience and accent similarity. L1 Southern British English, L1 French listeners with varying L2 English experience, and French-English bilinguals were tested on the recognition of English sentences mixed in speech-shaped noise that was spoken with a range of accents (French, Korean, Northern Irish, and Southern British English). The results demonstrated clear interactions of accent and experience, with the least experienced French speakers being most accurate with French-accented English, but more experienced listeners being most accurate with L1 Southern British English accents. An acoustic similarity metric was applied to the speech productions of the talkers and the listeners, and significant correlations were obtained between accent similarity and sentence intelligibility for pairs of individuals. Overall, the results suggest that L2 experience affects talker-listener accent interactions, altering both the intelligibility of different accents and the selectivity of accent processing.     

Quantifying the intelligibility of speech in noise for non-native talkers

The intelligibility of speech pronounced by non-native talkers is generally lower than speech pronounced by native talkers, especially under adverse conditions, such as high levels of background noise. The effect of foreign accent on speech intelligibility was investigated quantitatively through a series of experiments involving voices of 15 talkers, differing in language background, age of second-language (L2) acquisition and experience with the target language (Dutch). Overall speech intelligibility of L2 talkers in noise is predicted with a reasonable accuracy from accent ratings by native listeners, as well as from the self-ratings for proficiency of L2 talkers. For non-native speech, unlike native speech, the intelligibility of short messages (sentences) cannot be fully predicted by phoneme-based intelligibility tests. Although incorrect recognition of specific phonemes certainly occurs as a result of foreign accent, the effect of reduced phoneme recognition on the intelligibility of sentences may range from severe to virtually absent, depending on (for instance) the speech-to-noise ratio. Objective acoustic-phonetic analyses of accented speech were also carried out, but satisfactory overall predictions of speech intelligibility could not be obtained with relatively simple acoustic-phonetic measures.     

Short-term adaptation to accented English by younger and older adults

This study examined the effects of age and hearing loss on short-term adaptation to accented speech. Data from younger and older listeners in a prior investigation [Gordon-Salant et al. (2010). J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 128, 444-455] were re-analyzed to examine changes in recognition over four administrations of equivalent lists of English stimuli recorded by native speakers of Spanish and English. Results showed improvement in recognition scores over four list administrations for the accented stimuli but not for the native English stimuli. Group effects emerged but were not involved in any interactions, suggesting that short-term adaptation to accented speech is preserved with aging and with hearing loss.     

Speaker-independent factors affecting the perception of foreign accent in a second language

Previous research on foreign accent perception has largely focused on speaker-dependent factors such as age of learning and length of residence. Factors that are independent of a speaker's language learning history have also been shown to affect perception of second language speech. The present study examined the effects of two such factors--listening context and lexical frequency--on the perception of foreign-accented speech. Listeners rated foreign accent in two listening contexts: auditory-only, where listeners only heard the target stimuli, and auditory + orthography, where listeners were presented with both an auditory signal and an orthographic display of the target word. Results revealed that higher frequency words were consistently rated as less accented than lower frequency words. The effect of the listening context emerged in two interactions: the auditory + orthography context reduced the effects of lexical frequency, but increased the perceived differences between native and non-native speakers. Acoustic measurements revealed some production differences for words of different levels of lexical frequency, though these differences could not account for all of the observed interactions from the perceptual experiment. These results suggest that factors independent of the speakers' actual speech articulations can influence the perception of degree of foreign accent.     

Production of the word-final English /t/-/d/ contrast by native speakers of English, Mandarin, and Spanish.

The primary aim of this study was to determine if adults whose native language permits neither voiced nor voiceless stops to occur in word-final position can master the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Native English-speaking listeners identified the voicing feature in word-final stops produced by talkers in five groups: native speakers of English, experienced and inexperienced native Spanish speakers of English, and experienced and inexperienced native Mandarin speakers of English. Contrary to hypothesis, the experienced second language (L2) learners' stops were not identified significantly better than stops produced by the inexperienced L2 learners; and their stops were correctly identified significantly less often than stops produced by the native English speakers. Acoustic analyses revealed that the native English speakers made vowels significantly longer before /d/ than /t/, produced /t/-final words with a higher F1 offset frequency than /d/-final words, produced more closure voicing in /d/ than /t/, and sustained closure longer for /t/ than /d/. The L2 learners produced the same kinds of acoustic differences between /t/ and /d/, but theirs were usually of significantly smaller magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that only a few of the 40 L2 learners examined in the present study had mastered the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Several possible explanations for this negative finding are presented. Multiple regression analyses revealed that the native English listeners made perceptual use of the small, albeit significant, vowel duration differences produced in minimal pairs by the nonnative speakers. A significantly stronger correlation existed between vowel duration differences and the listeners' identifications of final stops in minimal pairs when the perceptual judgments were obtained in an "edited" condition (where post-vocalic cues were removed) than in a "full cue" condition. This suggested that listeners may modify their identification of stops based on the availability of acoustic cues.     

Rapid adaptation to foreign-accented English

This study explored the perceptual benefits of brief exposure to non-native speech. Native English listeners were exposed to English sentences produced by non-native speakers. Perceptual processing speed was tracked by measuring reaction times to visual probe words following each sentence. Three experiments using Spanish- and Chinese-accented speech indicate that processing speed is initially slower for accented speech than for native speech but that this deficit diminishes within one minute of exposure. Control conditions rule out explanations for the adaptation effect based on practice with the task and general strategies for dealing with difficult speech. Further results suggest that adaptation can occur within as few as two to four sentence-length utterances. The findings emphasize the flexibility of human speech processing and require models of spoken word recognition that can rapidly accommodate significant acoustic-phonetic deviations from native language speech patterns.     

Plasticity in vowel perception and production: a study of accent change in young adults

This study investigated changes in vowel production and perception among university students from the north of England, as individuals adapt their accent from regional to educated norms. Subjects were tested in their production and perception at regular intervals over a period of 2 years: before beginning university, 3 months later, and at the end of their first and second years at university. At each testing session, subjects were recorded reading a set of experimental words and a short passage. Subjects also completed two perceptual tasks; they chose best exemplar locations for vowels embedded in either northern or southern English accented carrier sentences and identified words in noise spoken with either a northern or southern English accent. The results demonstrated that subjects at a late stage in their language development, early adulthood, changed their spoken accent after attending university. There were no reliable changes in perception over time, but there was evidence for a between-subjects link between production and perception; subjects chose similar vowels to the ones they produced, and subjects who had a more southern English accent were better at identifying southern English speech in noise.     

ERP evidence for different strategies in the processing of case markers in native speakers and non-native learners

Background  

The present experiments were designed to test how the linguistic feature of case is processed in Japanese by native and non-native listeners. We used a miniature version of Japanese as a model to compare sentence comprehension mechanisms in native speakers and non-native learners who had received training until they had mastered the system. In the first experiment we auditorily presented native Japanese speakers with sentences containing incorrect double nominatives and incorrect double accusatives, and with correct sentences. In the second experiment we tested trained non-natives with the same material. Based on previous research in German we expected an N400-P600 biphasic ERP response with specific modulations depending on the violated case and whether the listeners were native or non-native.     

Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.     

Bidirectional clear speech perception benefit for native and high-proficiency non-native talkers and listeners: intelligibility and accentedness

This study investigated how native language background interacts with speaking style adaptations in determining levels of speech intelligibility. The aim was to explore whether native and high proficiency non-native listeners benefit similarly from native and non-native clear speech adjustments. The sentence-in-noise perception results revealed that fluent non-native listeners gained a large clear speech benefit from native clear speech modifications. Furthermore, proficient non-native talkers in this study implemented conversational-to-clear speaking style modifications in their second language (L2) that resulted in significant intelligibility gain for both native and non-native listeners. The results of the accentedness ratings obtained for native and non-native conversational and clear speech sentences showed that while intelligibility was improved, the presence of foreign accent remained constant in both speaking styles. This suggests that objective intelligibility and subjective accentedness are two independent dimensions of non-native speech. Overall, these results provide strong evidence that greater experience in L2 processing leads to improved intelligibility in both production and perception domains. These results also demonstrated that speaking style adaptations along with less signal distortion can contribute significantly towards successful native and non-native interactions.     

Vowel normalization for accent: an investigation of best exemplar locations in northern and southern British English sentences

Two experiments investigated whether listeners change their vowel categorization decisions to adjust to different accents of British English. Listeners from different regions of England gave goodness ratings on synthesized vowels embedded in natural carrier sentences that were spoken with either a northern or southern English accent. A computer minimization algorithm adjusted F1, F2, F3, and duration on successive trials according to listeners' goodness ratings, until the best exemplar of each vowel was found. The results demonstrated that most listeners adjusted their vowel categorization decisions based on the accent of the carrier sentence. The patterns of perceptual normalization were affected by individual differences in language background (e.g., whether the individuals grew up in the north or south of England), and were linked to the changes in production that speakers typically make due to sociolinguistic factors when living in multidialectal environments.     

Native Italian speakers' perception and production of English vowels

This study examined the production and perception of English vowels by highly experienced native Italian speakers of English. The subjects were selected on the basis of the age at which they arrived in Canada and began to learn English, and how much they continued to use Italian. Vowel production accuracy was assessed through an intelligibility test in which native English-speaking listeners attempted to identify vowels spoken by the native Italian subjects. Vowel perception was assessed using a categorial discrimination test. The later in life the native Italian subjects began to learn English, the less accurately they produced and perceived English vowels. Neither of two groups of early Italian/English bilinguals differed significantly from native speakers of English either for production or perception. This finding is consistent with the hypothesis of the speech learning model [Flege, in Speech Perception and Linguistic Experience: Theoretical and Methodological Issues (York, Timonium, MD, 1995)] that early bilinguals establish new categories for vowels found in the second language (L2). The significant correlation observed to exist between the measures of L2 vowel production and perception is consistent with another hypothesis of the speech learning model, viz., that the accuracy with which L2 vowels are produced is limited by how accurately they are perceived.     

First-language phonotactics in second-language listening

Highly proficient German users of English as a second language, and native speakers of American English, listened to nonsense sequences and responded whenever they detected an embedded English word. The responses of both groups were equivalently facilitated by preceding context that both by English and by German phonotactic constraints forced a boundary at word onset (e.g., lecture was easier to detect in moinlecture than in gorklecture, and wish in yarlwish than in plookwish). The American L1 speakers' responses were strongly facilitated, and the German listeners' responses almost as strongly facilitated, by contexts that forced a boundary in English but not in German (thrarshlecture, glarshwish). The German listeners' responses were significantly facilitated also by contexts that forced a boundary in German but not in English (moycelecture, loitwish), while L1 listeners were sensitive to acoustic boundary cues in these materials but not to the phonotactic sequences. The pattern of results suggests that proficient L2 listeners can acquire the phonotactic probabilities of an L2 and use them to good effect in segmenting continuous speech, but at the same time they may not be able to prevent interference from L1 constraints in their L2 listening.     

Transgenic mouse model for the formation of Hirano bodies

Background

The present study compared the neural correlates of an intramodally and a crossmodally acquired second language (L2). Deaf people who had learned their L1, German Sign Language (DGS), and their L2, German, through the visual modality were compared with hearing L2 learners of German and German native speakers. Correct and incorrect German sentences were presented word by word on a computer screen while the electroencephalogram was recorded. At the end of each sentence, the participants judged whether or not the sentence was correct. Two types of violations were realized: Either a semantically implausible noun or a violation of subject-verb number agreement was embedded at a sentence medial position.

Results

Semantic errors elicited an N400, followed by a late positivity in all groups. In native speakers of German, verb-agreement violations were followed by a left lateralized negativity, which has been associated with an automatic parsing process. We observed a syntax related negativity in both high performing hearing and deaf L2 learners as well. Finally, this negativity was followed by a posteriorly distributed positivity in all three groups.

Conclusions

Although deaf learners have learned German as an L2 mainly via the visual modality they seem to engage comparable processing mechanisms as hearing L2 learners. Thus, the data underscore the modality transcendence of language.     

Evidence against the mismatched interlanguage speech intelligibility benefit hypothesis

In a follow-up study to that of Bent and Bradlow (2003), carrier sentences containing familiar keywords were read aloud by five talkers (Korean high proficiency; Korean low proficiency; Saudi Arabian high proficiency; Saudi Arabian low proficiency; native English). The intelligibility of these keywords to 50 listeners in four first language groups (Korean, n = 10; Saudi Arabian, n = 10; native English, n = 10; other mixed first languages, n = 20) was measured in a word recognition test. In each case, the non-native listeners found the non-native low-proficiency talkers who did not share the same first language as the listeners the least intelligible, at statistically significant levels, while not finding the low-proficiency talker who shared their own first language similarly unintelligible. These findings indicate a mismatched interlanguage speech intelligibility detriment for low-proficiency non-native speakers and a potential intelligibility problem between mismatched first language low-proficiency speakers unfamiliar with each others' accents in English. There was no strong evidence to support either an intelligibility benefit for the high-proficiency non-native talkers to the listeners from a different first language background or to indicate that the native talkers were more intelligible than the high-proficiency non-native talkers to any of the listeners.     

Reiterant speech as a test of non-native speakers' mastery of the timing of French.

The reiterant speech of ten native speakers of French was analyzed to develop baseline measures for syllable and consonant/vowel timing for a series of two-, three-, four-, and five-syllable French words spoken in isolation. Ten native speakers of English, who learned French as a second language, produced reiterant versions of both the French words and a comparable set of English words. The native speakers of English were divided into two groups on the basis of their second language experience. The first group consisted of four university-level teachers, who were relatively experienced learners of French, and the second group of six less experienced learners of French. The French reiterant imitations of the two groups of native speakers of English were compared to the native French speakers' productions. The timing patterns of the experienced group of non-native speakers did not differ significantly from those of the native French speakers, whereas there was a significant difference between these two groups and the group of six less experienced second-language learners. Deviations from the French baseline measures produced by the less experienced group are discussed in terms of the influence of the timing patterns of English and the literature on a sensitive period for second language acquisition.     

Perception of silent-center syllables by native and non-native English speakers

The amount of acoustic information that native and non-native listeners need for syllable identification was investigated by comparing the performance of monolingual English speakers and native Spanish speakers with either an earlier or a later age of immersion in an English-speaking environment. Duration-preserved silent-center syllables retaining 10, 20, 30, or 40 ms of the consonant-vowel and vowel-consonant transitions were created for the target vowels /i, I, eI, epsilon, ae/ and /a/, spoken by two males in /bVb/ context. Duration-neutral syllables were created by editing the silent portion to equate the duration of all vowels. Listeners identified the syllables in a six-alternative forced-choice task. The earlier learners identified the whole-word and 40 ms duration-preserved syllables as accurately as the monolingual listeners, but identified the silent-center syllables significantly less accurately overall. Only the monolingual listener group identified syllables significantly more accurately in the duration-preserved than in the duration-neutral condition, suggesting that the non-native listeners were unable to recover from the syllable disruption sufficiently to access the duration cues in the silent-center syllables. This effect was most pronounced for the later learners, who also showed the most vowel confusions and the greatest decrease in performance from the whole word to the 40 ms transition condition.