Patterns of interarticulator phasing and their relation to linguistic structure

Work by Tuller and Kelso [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 76, 1030-1036 (1984)] and Kelso et al. [J. Phon. 14, 29-59 (1986)] has demonstrated stable relations between jaw and lip movements in (bV#CVb) utterances across rate and stress conditions. Specifically, the onset of lip movement toward the intervocalic consonant was found to be constant with respect to the vowel-to-vowel jaw cycle in both time and relative phasing. An attempt was made to replicate and extend this work by investigating interarticulator phase relations for utterances having a broader range of linguistic organization: In addition to rate and stress, syllable structure (open versus closed syllables) and identity of the intervocalic consonant (/p/ vs /m/) were manipulated. Results showed that the upper lip's lowering onset varied systematically with respect to the jaw vowel cycle as a function of both rate and stress. In addition, syllable structure and consonant identity influenced the relation of lip and jaw gestures. There was a general tendency for any condition that shortened the first vowel to produce earlier onsets of the upper lip relative to the jaw. However, the within-condition jaw cycle duration variability did not correlate with the within-condition variability in phase. Thus it seems that stable interarticulator phase relations maintain not only the integrity of phonological structure, as suggested by Kelso et al., but structural integrity at other levels of linguistic organization as well.     

Lip-jaw and tongue-jaw coordination during rate-controlled syllable repetitions

The present study investigated the relationship between functionally relevant compound gestures and single-articulator component movements of the jaw and the constrictors lower lip and tongue tip during rate-controlled syllable repetitions. In nine healthy speakers, the effects of speaking rate (3 vs 5 Hz), place of articulation, and vowel type during stop consonant-vowel repetitions (/pa/, /pi/, /ta/, /ti/) on the amplitude and peak velocity of differential jaw and constrictor opening-closing movements were measured by means of electromagnetic articulography. Rather than homogeneously scaled compound gestures, the results suggest distinct control mechanisms for the jaw and the constrictors. In particular, jaw amplitude was closely linked to vowel height during bilabial articulation, whereas the lower lip component amplitude turned out to be predominantly rate sensitive. However, the observed variability across subjects and conditions does not support the assumption that single-articulator gestures directly correspond to basic phonological units. The nonhomogeneous effects of speech rate on articulatory subsystem parameters indicate that single structures are differentially rate sensitive. On average, an increase in speech rate resulted in a more or less proportional increase of the steepness of peak velocity/amplitude scaling for jaw movements, whereas the constrictors were less rate sensitive in this respect. Negative covariation across repetitions between jaw and constrictor amplitudes has been considered an indicator of motor equivalence. Although significant in some cases, such a relationship was not consistently observed across subjects. Considering systematic sources of variability such as vowel height, speech rate, and subjects, jaw-constrictor amplitude correlations showed a nonhomogeneous pattern strongly depending on place of articulation.     

Interarticulator programming in VCV sequences: lip and tongue movements

This study examined the temporal phasing of tongue and lip movements in vowel-consonant-vowel sequences where the consonant is a bilabial stop consonant /p, b/ and the vowels one of /i, a, u/; only asymmetrical vowel contexts were included in the analysis. Four subjects participated. Articulatory movements were recorded using a magnetometer system. The onset of the tongue movement from the first to the second vowel almost always occurred before the oral closure. Most of the tongue movement trajectory from the first to the second vowel took place during the oral closure for the stop. For all subjects, the onset of the tongue movement occurred earlier with respect to the onset of the lip closing movement as the tongue movement trajectory increased. The influence of consonant voicing and vowel context on interarticulator timing and tongue movement kinematics varied across subjects. Overall, the results are compatible with the hypothesis that there is a temporal window before the oral closure for the stop during which the tongue movement can start. A very early onset of the tongue movement relative to the stop closure together with an extensive movement before the closure would most likely produce an extra vowel sound before the closure.     

Jaw and lip movements of deaf talkers producing utterances with known stress patterns

This investigation determined whether prelingually deaf talkers could correctly produce stressed and unstressed syllables across known changes in stress patterning and phonetic composition. Three deaf and three hearing adults spoke sets of homogeneous syllable strings with stress patterns that they could tap successfully with a finger. Strain gauge transduction of lower lip and jaw movement indicated that both deaf and hearing subjects produced different displacements and durations for the stressed and unstressed syllables, regardless of the stress pattern. Jaw movement did not become more variable with changes in phonetic composition of the syllables. The results show no evidence that motoric abilities (as assessed in lip and jaw movements) limit deaf talkers in producing desired stress patterns.     

An examination of intra-articulator relative timing

The relative timing of consonant and vowel related movements of the tongue dorsum across variations in stress patterns was examined in two subjects using a computerized pulsed ultrasound system. The patterns observed were similar to those reported by Tuller et al. [J. Exp. Psychol. H.P.P. 8, 460-472 (1982)] for interarticulator timing. Correlations between the duration of a "period," defined as the interval between the onsets of movements associated with adjacent vowels, and the "latency," defined as the interval between the beginning of the period and the point in the period at which movement associated with the intervocalic consonant begins, were positive and reliable. The source of this correlation pattern was examined and found not to be due to a scaling of an invariant phase relation but rather due to a main effect for stress on the vowel-to-vowel articulatory period combined with an artifactual part-whole correlation within each stress level.     

Developmental and cross-linguistic variation in the infant vowel space: the case of Canadian English and Canadian French

This article describes the results of two experiments. Experiment 1 was a cross-sectional study designed to explore developmental and cross-linguistic variation in the vowel space of 10- to 18-month-old infants, exposed to either Canadian English or Canadian French. Acoustic parameters of the infant vowel space were described (specifically the mean and standard deviation of the first and second formant frequencies) and then used to derive the grave, acute, compact, and diffuse features of the vowel space across age. A decline in mean F1 with age for French-learning infants and a decline in mean F2 with age for English-learning infants was observed. A developmental expansion of the vowel space into the high-front and high-back regions was also evident. In experiment 2, the Variable Linear Articulatory Model was used to model the infant vowel space taking into consideration vocal tract size and morphology. Two simulations were performed, one with full range of movement for all articulatory paramenters, and the other for movement of jaw and lip parameters only. These simulated vowel spaces were used to aid in the interpretation of the developmental changes and cross-linguistic influences on vowel production in experiment 1.     

Upper lip, lower lip, and jaw interactions during speech: comments on evidence from repetition-to-repetition variability

Six studies purporting to demonstrate complementary covariation in lip and jaw activity during speech are reviewed. The statistical procedures used to assess interactions among the upper lip, lower lip, and jaw movements are discussed for four different experiments analyzing repetition-to-repetition movement variation. The findings from two studies analyzing repetition-to-repetition variation for interactions in electromyographic activity recorded from either the jaw musculature or the labial musculature also are evaluated. It is concluded that these studies do not provide convincing evidence of complementary covariation among the articulators or the muscles.     

Coarticulatory influences on the perceived height of nasal vowels

Certain of the complex spectral effects of vowel nasalization bear a resemblance to the effects of modifying the tongue or jaw position with which the vowel is produced. Perceptual evidence suggests that listener misperceptions of nasal vowel height arise as a result of this resemblance. Whereas previous studies examined isolated nasal vowels, this research focused on the role of phonetic context in shaping listeners' judgments of nasal vowel height. Identification data obtained from native American English speakers indicated that nasal coupling does not necessarily lead to listener misperceptions of vowel quality when the vowel's nasality is coarticulatory in nature. The perceived height of contextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVnd] environment) did not differ from that of oral vowels (in a [bVd] environment) produced with the same tongue-jaw configuration. In contrast, corresponding noncontextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVd] environment) were perceived as lower in quality than vowels in the other two conditions. Presumably the listeners' lack of experience with distinctive vowel nasalization prompted them to resolve the spectral effects of noncontextual nasalization in terms of tongue or jaw height, rather than velic height. The implications of these findings with respect to sound changes affecting nasal vowel height are also discussed.     

Kinematic, acoustic, and perceptual analyses of connected speech produced by parkinsonian and normal geriatric adults

Acoustic and kinematic analyses, as well as perceptual evaluation, were conducted on the speech of Parkinsonian and normal geriatric adults. As a group, the Parkinsonian speakers had very limited jaw movement compared to the normal geriatrics. For opening gestures, jaw displacements and velocities produced by the Parkinsonian subjects were about half those produced by the normal geriatrics. Lower lip movement amplitude and velocity also were reduced for the Parkinsonian speakers relative to the normal geriatrics, but the magnitude of the reduction was not as great as that seen in the jaw. Lower lip closing velocities expressed as a function of movement amplitude were greater for the Parkinsonian speakers than for the normal geriatrics. This increased velocity of lower lip movement may reflect a difference in the control of lip elevation for the Parkinsonian speakers, an effect that increased with the severity of dysarthria. Acoustically, the Parkinsonian subjects had reduced durations of vocalic segments, reduced formant transitions, and increased voice onset time compared to the normal geriatrics. These effects were greater for the more severe, compared to the milder, dysarthrics and were most apparent in the more complex, vocalic gestures.     

Articulatory dynamics of loud and normal speech

A comparison was made between normal and loud productions of bilabial stops and stressed vowels. Simultaneous recordings of lip and jaw movement and the accompanying audio signal were made for four native speakers of Swedish. The stimuli consisted of 12 Swedish vowels appearing in an /i'b_b/ frame and were produced with both normal and increased vocal effort. The displacement, velocity, and relative timing associated with the individual articulators as well as their coarticulatory interactions were studied together with changes in acoustic segmental duration. It is shown that the production of loud as compared with normal speech is characterized by amplification of normal movement patterns that are predictable for the above articulatory parameters. In addition, it was observed that the acoustic durations of bilabial stops were shortened, whereas stressed vowels were lengthened during loud speech production. Two interpretations of the data are offered, viewing loud articulatory behavior as a response to production demands and perceptual constraints, respectively.     

Prosodic strengthening and featural enhancement: evidence from acoustic and articulatory realizations of /a,i/ in English

In this study the effects of accent and prosodic boundaries on the production of English vowels (/a,i/), by concurrently examining acoustic vowel formants and articulatory maxima of the tongue, jaw, and lips obtained with EMA (Electromagnetic Articulography) are investigated. The results demonstrate that prosodic strengthening (due to accent and/or prosodic boundaries) has differential effects depending on the source of prominence (in accented syllables versus at edges of prosodic domains; domain initially versus domain finally). The results are interpreted in terms of how the prosodic strengthening is related to phonetic realization of vowel features. For example, when accented, /i/ was fronter in both acoustic and articulatory vowel spaces (enhancing [-back]), accompanied by an increase in both lip and jaw openings (enhancing sonority). By contrast, at edges of prosodic domains (especially domain-finally), /i/ was not necessarily fronter, but higher (enhancing [+high]), accompanied by an increase only in the lip (not jaw) opening. This suggests that the two aspects of prosodic structure (accent versus boundary) are differentiated by distinct phonetic patterns. Further, it implies that prosodic strengthening, though manifested in fine-grained phonetic details, is not simply a low-level phonetic event but a complex linguistic phenomenon, closely linked to the enhancement of phonological features and positional strength that may license phonological contrasts.     

Acoustic cues to lexical segmentation: a study of resynthesized speech

It has been posited that the role of prosody in lexical segmentation is elevated when the speech signal is degraded or unreliable. Using predictions from Cutler and Norris' [J. Exp. Psychol. Hum. Percept. Perform. 14, 113-121 (1988)] metrical segmentation strategy hypothesis as a framework, this investigation examined how individual suprasegmental and segmental cues to syllabic stress contribute differentially to the recognition of strong and weak syllables for the purpose of lexical segmentation. Syllabic contrastivity was reduced in resynthesized phrases by systematically (i) flattening the fundamental frequency (F0) contours, (ii) equalizing vowel durations, (iii) weakening strong vowels, (iv) combining the two suprasegmental cues, i.e., F0 and duration, and (v) combining the manipulation of all cues. Results indicated that, despite similar decrements in overall intelligibility, F0 flattening and the weakening of strong vowels had a greater impact on lexical segmentation than did equalizing vowel duration. Both combined-cue conditions resulted in greater decrements in intelligibility, but with no additional negative impact on lexical segmentation. The results support the notion of F0 variation and vowel quality as primary conduits for stress-based segmentation and suggest that the effectiveness of stress-based segmentation with degraded speech must be investigated relative to the suprasegmental and segmental impoverishments occasioned by each particular degradation.     

Suprasegmental and segmental timing models in Mandarin Chinese and American English

This paper formalizes and tests two key assumptions of the concept of suprasegmental timing: segmental independence and suprasegmental mediation. Segmental independence holds that the duration of a suprasegmental unit such as a syllable or foot is only minimally dependent on its segments. Suprasegmental mediation states that the duration of a segment is determined by the duration of its suprasegmental unit and its identity, but not directly by the specific prosodic context responsible for suprasegmental unit duration. Both assumptions are made by various versions of the isochrony hypothesis [I. Lehiste, J. Phonetics 5, 253-263 (1977)], and by the syllable timing hypothesis [W. Campbell, Speech Commun. 9, 57-62 (1990)]. The validity of these assumptions was studied using the syllable as suprasegmental unit in American English and Mandarin Chinese. To avoid unnatural timing patterns that might be induced when reading carrier phrase material, meaningful, nonrepetitive sentences were used with a wide range of lengths. Segmental independence was tested by measuring how the average duration of a syllable in a fixed prosodic context depends on its segmental composition. A strong association was found; in many cases the increase in average syllabic duration when one segment was substituted for another (e.g., bin versus pin) was the same as the difference in average duration between the two segments (i.e., [b] versus [p]). Thus, the [i] and [n] were not compressed to make room for the longer [p], which is inconsistent with segmental independence. Syllabic mediation was tested by measuring which locations in a syllable are most strongly affected by various contextual factors, including phrasal position, within-word position, tone, and lexical stress. Systematic differences were found between these factors in terms of the intrasyllabic locus of maximal effect. These and earlier results obtained by van Son and van Santen [R. J. J. H van Son and J. P. H. van Santen, "Modeling the interaction between factors affecting consonant duration," Proceedings Eurospeech-97, 1997, pp. 319-322] showing a three-way interaction between consonantal identity (coronals vs labials), within-word position of the syllable, and stress of surrounding vowels, imply that segmental duration cannot be predicted by compressing or elongating segments to fit into a predetermined syllabic time interval. In conclusion, while there is little doubt that suprasegmental units play important predictive and explanatory roles as phonological units, the concept of suprasegmental timing is less promising.     

Anticipatory coarticulation: some implications from a study of lip rounding.

The anticipation of articulatory features, in particular lip rounding in anticipation of a rounded vowel, has been reported to occur as many as four segments before the segment for which the feature is specified. In the data presented here, we find that the moter commands for the rounding gesture for /u/ begin a fixed time before the onset of the vowel. This timing is unaffected by the number of consonant segments in the preceding string. Thus, the initiation of lip rounding appears to be linked to other features of the vowel articulation.     

English-learning infants' perception of word stress patterns

Adult speakers of different free stress languages (e.g., English, Spanish) differ both in their sensitivity to lexical stress and in their processing of suprasegmental and vowel quality cues to stress. In a head-turn preference experiment with a familiarization phase, both 8-month-old and 12-month-old English-learning infants discriminated between initial stress and final stress among lists of Spanish-spoken disyllabic nonwords that were segmentally varied (e.g. ['nila, 'tuli] vs [lu'ta, pu'ki]). This is evidence that English-learning infants are sensitive to lexical stress patterns, instantiated primarily by suprasegmental cues, during the second half of the first year of life.     

A study of jaw coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for Catalan consonants and vowels

The goal of this study is to investigate coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for the jaw in Catalan consonants and vowels and, more specifically, for the alveolopalatal nasal //[symbol see text]/ and for dark /l/ for which there is little or no data on jaw position and coarticulation. Jaw movement data for symmetrical vowel-consonant-vowel sequences with the consonants /p, n, l, s, ∫, [ symbol see text], k/ and the vowels /i, a, u/ were recorded by three Catalan speakers with a midsagittal magnetometer. Data reveal that jaw height is greater for /s, ∫/ than for /p, [see text]/, which is greater than for /n, l, k/ during the consonant, and for /i, u/ than for /a/ during the vowel. Differences in coarticulatory variability among consonants and vowels are inversely related to differences in jaw height, i.e., fricatives and high vowels are most resistant, and /n, l, k/ and the low vowel are least resistant. Moreover, coarticulation resistant phonetic segments exert more prominent effects and, thus, are more aggressive than segments specified for a lower degree of coarticulatory resistance. Data are discussed in the light of the degree of articulatory constraint model of coarticulation.     

Vowel intelligibility in clear and conversational speech for normal-hearing and hearing-impaired listeners

Several studies have demonstrated that when talkers are instructed to speak clearly, the resulting speech is significantly more intelligible than speech produced in ordinary conversation. These speech intelligibility improvements are accompanied by a wide variety of acoustic changes. The current study explored the relationship between acoustic properties of vowels and their identification in clear and conversational speech, for young normal-hearing (YNH) and elderly hearing-impaired (EHI) listeners. Monosyllabic words excised from sentences spoken either clearly or conversationally by a male talker were presented in 12-talker babble for vowel identification. While vowel intelligibility was significantly higher in clear speech than in conversational speech for the YNH listeners, no clear speech advantage was found for the EHI group. Regression analyses were used to assess the relative importance of spectral target, dynamic formant movement, and duration information for perception of individual vowels. For both listener groups, all three types of information emerged as primary cues to vowel identity. However, the relative importance of the three cues for individual vowels differed greatly for the YNH and EHI listeners. This suggests that hearing loss alters the way acoustic cues are used for identifying vowels.     

Perceiving unstressed vowels in foreign-accented English

This paper investigated how foreign-accented stress cues affect on-line speech comprehension in British speakers of English. While unstressed English vowels are usually reduced to /?/, Dutch speakers of English only slightly centralize them. Speakers of both languages differentiate stress by suprasegmentals (duration and intensity). In a cross-modal priming experiment, English listeners heard sentences ending in monosyllabic prime fragments--produced by either an English or a Dutch speaker of English--and performed lexical decisions on visual targets. Primes were either stress-matching ("ab" excised from absurd), stress-mismatching ("ab" from absence), or unrelated ("pro" from profound) with respect to the target (e.g., ABSURD). Results showed a priming effect for stress-matching primes only when produced by the English speaker, suggesting that vowel quality is a more important cue to word stress than suprasegmental information. Furthermore, for visual targets with word-initial secondary stress that do not require vowel reduction (e.g., CAMPAIGN), resembling the Dutch way of realizing stress, there was a priming effect for both speakers. Hence, our data suggest that Dutch-accented English is not harder to understand in general, but it is in instances where the language-specific implementation of lexical stress differs across languages.     

Analysis of a synthetic Tadoma system as a multidimensional tactile display

The Tadoma method is a means of speech reception based on tactile monitoring of the articulatory process. A "synthetic" Tadoma system, involving an artificial face with six facial actions, has been developed as a first-order approximation to the natural Tadoma system. Experiments were conducted to explore the information-transmission characteristics of the synthetic Tadoma system in terms of the four facial movements it incorporates: upper lip in-out, lower lip in-out, lower lip up-down, and jaw up-down movements. Discrimination experiments showed that the just-noticeable difference associated with each movement is about 9% of the reference displacement. One-dimensional (1-D) absolute identification experiments produced, on the average, 1.6 bits of information transfer. Four dimensional (4-D) identification experiments produced information transfers in the range of 3-4 bits. Of the four dimensions considered, performance on the lower lip up-down movement was most affected, and performance on the jaw up-down movement was least affected, by simultaneous roving movements on the other dimensions. As a result of the interaction among the movement channels, the sum of the 1-D information transfers exceeds the 4-D information transfer. However, the sum of the 1-D information transfers obtained from tests with roving parameters is approximately equal to the 4-D information transfer (possibly exemplifying a "generalized information-transfer additivity law"). In general, both the discrimination and identification results appear unexceptional and, hence, the reception of facial movement information by itself does not appear to account for the extraordinary success of the Tadoma method.     

Temporal characteristics of nasalization in children and adult speakers of American English and Korean during production of three vowel contexts

The purpose of this study was to identify and compare the temporal characteristics of nasalization in relation to (1) languages, (2) vowel contexts, and (3) age groups. Two distinct acoustic energies from the mouth and nose were recorded during speech production (/pamap, pimip, pumup/) using two microphones to obtain the absolute and proportional measurements on the acoustic temporal characteristics of nasalization. Twenty-eight normal adults (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) and 28 normal children (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) participated in this study. In both languages, adults showed shorter duration of nasalization than children within all three vowel contexts. The high vowel context revealed longer duration of nasalization than the low vowel context in both languages. There was no significant difference of temporal characteristics of nasalization between American English and Korean. Nasalization showed different timing characteristics between children and adults across vowel contexts. The results are discussed in association with developmental coarticulation and the relationship between acoustic consequences of articulatory events and vowel height.