Coarticulatory influences on the perceived height of nasal vowels

Certain of the complex spectral effects of vowel nasalization bear a resemblance to the effects of modifying the tongue or jaw position with which the vowel is produced. Perceptual evidence suggests that listener misperceptions of nasal vowel height arise as a result of this resemblance. Whereas previous studies examined isolated nasal vowels, this research focused on the role of phonetic context in shaping listeners' judgments of nasal vowel height. Identification data obtained from native American English speakers indicated that nasal coupling does not necessarily lead to listener misperceptions of vowel quality when the vowel's nasality is coarticulatory in nature. The perceived height of contextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVnd] environment) did not differ from that of oral vowels (in a [bVd] environment) produced with the same tongue-jaw configuration. In contrast, corresponding noncontextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVd] environment) were perceived as lower in quality than vowels in the other two conditions. Presumably the listeners' lack of experience with distinctive vowel nasalization prompted them to resolve the spectral effects of noncontextual nasalization in terms of tongue or jaw height, rather than velic height. The implications of these findings with respect to sound changes affecting nasal vowel height are also discussed.     

Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.     

Acoustic and perceptual correlates of the non-nasal--nasal distinction for vowels

For each of five vowels [i e a o u] following [t], a continuum from non-nasal to nasal was synthesized. Nasalization was introduced by inserting a pole-zero pair in the vicinity of the first formant in an all-pole transfer function. The frequencies and spacing of the pole and zero were systematically varied to change the degree of nasalization. The selection of stimulus parameters was determined from acoustic theory and the results of pilot experiments. The stimuli were presented for identification and discrimination to listeners whose language included a non-nasal--nasal vowel opposition (Gujarati, Hindi, and Bengali) and to American listeners. There were no significant differences between language groups in the 50% crossover points of the identification functions. Some vowels were more influenced by range and context effects than were others. The language groups showed some differences in the shape of the discrimination functions for some vowels. On the basis of the results, it is postulated that (1) there is a basic acoustic property of nasality, independent of the vowel, to which the auditory system responds in a distinctive way regardless of language background; and (2) there are one or more additional acoustic properties that may be used to various degrees in different languages to enhance the contrast between a nasal vowel and its non-nasal congener. A proposed candidate for the basic acoustic property is a measure of the degree of prominence of the spectral peak in the vicinity of the first formant. Additional secondary properties include shifts in the center of gravity of the low-frequency spectral prominence, leading to a change in perceived vowel height, and changes in overall spectral balance.     

Perceptual differences between vowels located in a limited phonetic space

The perception of subphonemic differences between vowels was investigated using multidimensional scaling techniques. Three experiments were conducted with natural-sounding synthetic stimuli generated by linear predictive coding (LPC) formant synthesizers. In the first experiment, vowel sets near the pairs (i-I), (epsilon-ae), or (u-U) were synthesized containing 11 vowels each. Listeners judged the dissimilarities between all pairs of vowels within a set several times. These perceptual differences were mapped into distances between the vowels in an n-dimensional space using two-way multidimensional scaling. Results for each vowel set showed that the physical stimulus space, which was specified by the two parameters F1 and F2, was always mapped into a two-dimensional perceptual space. The best metric for modeling the perceptual distances was the Euclidean distance between F1 and F2 in barks. The second experiment investigated the perception of the same vowels from the first experiment, but embedded in a consonantal context. Following the same procedures as experiment 1, listeners' perception of the (bv) dissimilarities was not different from their perception of the isolated vowel dissimilarities. The third experiment investigated dissimilarity judgments for the three vowels (ae-alpha-lambda) located symmetrically in the F1 X F2 vowel space. While the perceptual space was again two dimensional, the influence of phonetic identity on vowel difference judgments was observed. Implications for determining metrics for subphonemic vowel differences using multidimensional scaling are discussed.     

Relation between voice-onset time and vowel duration.

As part of an investigation of the temporal implementation rules of English, measurements were made of voice-onset time for initial English stops and the duration of the following voiced vowel in monosyllabic words for New York City speakers. It was found that the VOT of a word-initial consonant was longer before a voiceless final cluster than before a single nasal, and longer before tense vowels than lax vowels. The vowels were also longer in environments where VOT was longer, but VOT did not maintain a constant ratio with the vowel duration, even for a single place of articulation. VOT was changed by a smaller proportion than the following voiced vowel in both cases. VOT changes associated with the vowel were consistent across place of articulation of the stop. In the final experiment, when vowel tensity and final consonant effects were combined, it was found that the proportion of vowel duration change that carried over to the preceding VOT is different for the two phonetic changes. These results imply that temporal implementation rules simultaneously influence several acoustic intervals including both VOT and the "inherent" interval corresponding to a segment, either by independent control of the relevant articulatory variables or by some unknown common mechanism.     

Spectral and duration properties of front vowels as cues to final stop-consonant voicing

The perception of voicing in final velar stop consonants was investigated by systematically varying vowel duration, change in offset frequency of the final first formant (F1) transition, and rate of frequency change in the final F1 transition for several vowel contexts. Consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) continua were synthesized for each of three vowels, [i,I,ae], which represent a range of relatively low to relatively high-F1 steady-state values. Subjects responded to the stimuli under both an open- and closed-response condition. Results of the study show that both vowel duration and F1 offset properties influence perception of final consonant voicing, with the salience of the F1 offset property higher for vowels with high-F1 steady-state frequencies than low-F1 steady-state frequencies, and the opposite occurring for the vowel duration property. When F1 onset and offset frequencies were controlled, rate of the F1 transition change had inconsistent and minimal effects on perception of final consonant voicing. Thus the findings suggest that it is the termination value of the F1 offset transition rather than rate and/or duration of frequency change, which cues voicing in final velar stop consonants during the transition period preceding closure.     

The effects of tongue loading and auditory feedback on vowel production

This study investigated the role of sensory feedback during the production of front vowels. A temporary aftereffect induced by tongue loading was employed to modify the somatosensory-based perception of tongue height. Following the removal of tongue loading, tongue height during vowel production was estimated by measuring the frequency of the first formant (F1) from the acoustic signal. In experiment 1, the production of front vowels following tongue loading was investigated either in the presence or absence of auditory feedback. With auditory feedback available, the tongue height of front vowels was not modified by the aftereffect of tongue loading. By contrast, speakers did not compensate for the aftereffect of tongue loading when they produced vowels in the absence of auditory feedback. In experiment 2, the characteristics of the masking noise were manipulated such that it masked energy either in the F1 region or in the region of the second and higher formants. The results showed that the adjustment of tongue height during the production of front vowels depended on information about F1 in the auditory feedback. These findings support the idea that speech goals include both auditory and somatosensory targets and that speakers are able to make use of information from both sensory modalities to maximize the accuracy of speech production.     

Dynamic spectral structure specifies vowels for children and adults

When it comes to making decisions regarding vowel quality, adults seem to weight dynamic syllable structure more strongly than static structure, although disagreement exists over the nature of the most relevant kind of dynamic structure: spectral change intrinsic to the vowel or structure arising from movements between consonant and vowel constrictions. Results have been even less clear regarding the signal components children use in making vowel judgments. In this experiment, listeners of four different ages (adults, and 3-, 5-, and 7-year-old children) were asked to label stimuli that sounded either like steady-state vowels or like CVC syllables which sometimes had middle sections masked by coughs. Four vowel contrasts were used, crossed for type (front/back or closed/open) and consonant context (strongly or only slightly constraining of vowel tongue position). All listeners recognized vowel quality with high levels of accuracy in all conditions, but children were disproportionately hampered by strong coarticulatory effects when only steady-state formants were available. Results clarified past studies, showing that dynamic structure is critical to vowel perception for all aged listeners, but particularly for young children, and that it is the dynamic structure arising from vocal-tract movement between consonant and vowel constrictions that is most important.     

Can intrinsic vowel Fo be explained by source/tract coupling?

There is extensive evidence that in the same phonetic environment the voice fundamental frequency (Fo) of vowels varies directly with vowel "height." This Fo difference between vowels could be caused by acoustic interaction between the first vowel formant and the vibrating vocal folds. Since higher vowels have lower first formants than low vowels the acoustic interaction should be greatest for high vowels whose first formant frequencies are closer in frequency to Fo. Ten speakers were used to see if acoustic interaction could cause the Fo differences. The consonant [m] was recorded in the utterances [umu] and [ama]. Although the formant structure of [m] in [umu] and [ama] should not differ significantly, the Fo of each [m] allophone was significantly different. However, the Fo of each [m] allophone did not differ significantly from the Fo of the following vowel. These results did not support acoustic interaction. However, it is quite reasonable to conclude that the Fo variation of [m] was caused by coarticulatory anticipation of the tongue and jaw for the following vowel. Another experiment is offered in order to help explain the physical causes of intrinsic vowel Fo. In this experiment Fo lowering was found at the beginning of vowels following Arabic pharyngeal approximants. This finding indicates that the Fo of pharyngeal constricting vowels, e.g., [ae] and [a], might be lowered as a result of similar articulary movements, viz. tongue compression and active pharyngeal constriction.     

Simulation and analysis of nasalized vowels based on magnetic resonance imaging data

In this study, vocal tract area functions for one American English speaker, recorded using magnetic resonance imaging, were used to simulate and analyze the acoustics of vowel nasalization. Computer vocal tract models and susceptance plots were used to study the three most important sources of acoustic variability involved in the production of nasalized vowels: velar coupling area, asymmetry of nasal passages, and the sinus cavities. Analysis of the susceptance plots of the pharyngeal and oral cavities, -(B(p)+B(o)), and the nasal cavity, B(n), helped in understanding the movement of poles and zeros with varying coupling areas. Simulations using two nasal passages clearly showed the introduction of extra pole-zero pairs due to the asymmetry between the passages. Simulations with the inclusion of maxillary and sphenoidal sinuses showed that each sinus can potentially introduce one pole-zero pair in the spectrum. Further, the right maxillary sinus introduced a pole-zero pair at the lowest frequency. The effective frequencies of these poles and zeros due to the sinuses in the sum of the oral and nasal cavity outputs changes with a change in the configuration of the oral cavity, which may happen due to a change in the coupling area, or in the vowel being articulated.     

Superior lateral pharyngeal wall movements in speech

Medial movements of the lateral pharyngeal wall at the level of the velopharyngeal port were examined by using a computerized ultrasound system. Subjects produced CVNVC sequences involving all combinations of the vowels /a/ and /u/ and the nasal consonants /n/ and /m/. The effects of both vowels on the CVN and NVC gestures (opening and closing of the velopharyngeal port, respectively) were assessed in terms of movement amplitude, duration, and movement onset time. The amplitude of both opening and closing gestures of the lateral pharyngeal wall was less in the context of the vowel /u/ than the vowel /a/. In addition, the onset of the opening gesture towards the nasal consonant was related to the identity of both the initial and the final vowels. The characteristics of the functional coupling of the velum and lateral pharyngeal wall in speech are discussed.     

Vowel recognition via cochlear implants and noise vocoders: effects of formant movement and duration

Previous work has demonstrated that normal-hearing individuals use fine-grained phonetic variation, such as formant movement and duration, when recognizing English vowels. The present study investigated whether these cues are used by adult postlingually deafened cochlear implant users, and normal-hearing individuals listening to noise-vocoder simulations of cochlear implant processing. In Experiment 1, subjects gave forced-choice identification judgments for recordings of vowels that were signal processed to remove formant movement and/or equate vowel duration. In Experiment 2, a goodness-optimization procedure was used to create perceptual vowel space maps (i.e., best exemplars within a vowel quadrilateral) that included F1, F2, formant movement, and duration. The results demonstrated that both cochlear implant users and normal-hearing individuals use formant movement and duration cues when recognizing English vowels. Moreover, both listener groups used these cues to the same extent, suggesting that postlingually deafened cochlear implant users have category representations for vowels that are similar to those of normal-hearing individuals.     

Temporal characteristics of nasalization in children and adult speakers of American English and Korean during production of three vowel contexts

The purpose of this study was to identify and compare the temporal characteristics of nasalization in relation to (1) languages, (2) vowel contexts, and (3) age groups. Two distinct acoustic energies from the mouth and nose were recorded during speech production (/pamap, pimip, pumup/) using two microphones to obtain the absolute and proportional measurements on the acoustic temporal characteristics of nasalization. Twenty-eight normal adults (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) and 28 normal children (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) participated in this study. In both languages, adults showed shorter duration of nasalization than children within all three vowel contexts. The high vowel context revealed longer duration of nasalization than the low vowel context in both languages. There was no significant difference of temporal characteristics of nasalization between American English and Korean. Nasalization showed different timing characteristics between children and adults across vowel contexts. The results are discussed in association with developmental coarticulation and the relationship between acoustic consequences of articulatory events and vowel height.     

The influence of noise on vowel and consonant cues

This study assessed the acoustic and perceptual effect of noise on vowel and stop-consonant spectra. Multi-talker babble and speech-shaped noise were added to vowel and stop stimuli at -5 to +10 dB S/N, and the effect of noise was quantified in terms of (a) spectral envelope differences between the noisy and clean spectra in three frequency bands, (b) presence of reliable F1 and F2 information in noise, and (c) changes in burst frequency and slope. Acoustic analysis indicated that F1 was detected more reliably than F2 and the largest spectral envelope differences between the noisy and clean vowel spectra occurred in the mid-frequency band. This finding suggests that in extremely noisy conditions listeners must be relying on relatively accurate F1 frequency information along with partial F2 information to identify vowels. Stop consonant recognition remained high even at -5 dB despite the disruption of burst cues due to additive noise, suggesting that listeners must be relying on other cues, perhaps formant transitions, to identify stops.     

Context-independent dynamic information for the perception of coarticulated vowels.

Most investigators agree that the acoustic information for American English vowels includes dynamic (time-varying) parameters as well as static "target" information contained in a single cross section of the syllable. Using the silent-center (SC) paradigm, the present experiment examined the case in which the initial and final portions of stop consonant-vowel-stop consonant (CVC) syllables containing the same vowel but different consonants were recombined into mixed-consonant SC syllables and presented to listeners for vowel identification. Ten vowels were spoken in six different syllables, /b Vb, bVd, bVt, dVb, dVd, dVt/, embedded in a carrier sentence. Initial and final transitional portions of these syllables were cross-matched in: (1) silent-center syllables with original syllable durations (silences) preserved (mixed-consonant SC condition) and (2) mixed-consonant SC syllables with syllable duration equated across the ten vowels (fixed duration mixed-consonant SC condition). Vowel-identification accuracy in these two mixed consonant SC conditions was compared with performance on the original SC and fixed duration SC stimuli, and in initial and final control conditions in which initial and final transitional portions were each presented alone. Vowels were identified highly accurately in both mixed-consonant SC and original syllable SC conditions (only 7%-8% overall errors). Neutralizing duration information led to small, but significant, increases in identification errors in both mixed-consonant and original fixed-duration SC conditions (14%-15% errors), but performance was still much more accurate than for initial and finals control conditions (35% and 52% errors, respectively). Acoustical analysis confirmed that direction and extent of formant change from initial to final portions of mixed-consonant stimuli differed from that of original syllables, arguing against a target + offglide explanation of the perceptual results. Results do support the hypothesis that temporal trajectories specifying "style of movement" provide information for the differentiation of American English tense and lax vowels, and that this information is invariant over the place of articulation and voicing of the surrounding stop consonants.     

Managing the distinctiveness of phonemic nasal vowels: articulatory evidence from Hindi

There is increasing evidence that fine articulatory adjustments are made by speakers to reinforce and sometimes counteract the acoustic consequences of nasality. However, it is difficult to attribute the acoustic changes in nasal vowel spectra to either oral cavity configuration or to velopharyngeal opening (VPO). This paper takes the position that it is possible to disambiguate the effects of VPO and oropharyngeal configuration on the acoustic output of the vocal tract by studying the position and movement of the tongue and lips during the production of oral and nasal vowels. This paper uses simultaneously collected articulatory, acoustic, and nasal airflow data during the production of all oral and phonemically nasal vowels in Hindi (four speakers) to understand the consequences of the movements of oral articulators on the spectra of nasal vowels. For Hindi nasal vowels, the tongue body is generally lowered for back vowels, fronted for low vowels, and raised for front vowels (with respect to their oral congeners). These movements are generally supported by accompanying changes in the vowel spectra. In Hindi, the lowering of back nasal vowels may have originally served to enhance the acoustic salience of nasality, but has since engendered a nasal vowel chain shift.     

The performance of different synthesis signals in acoustic models of cochlear implants

Synthesis (carrier) signals in acoustic models embody assumptions about perception of auditory electric stimulation. This study compared speech intelligibility of consonants and vowels processed through a set of nine acoustic models that used Spectral Peak (SPEAK) and Advanced Combination Encoder (ACE)-like speech processing, using synthesis signals which were representative of signals used previously in acoustic models as well as two new ones. Performance of the synthesis signals was determined in terms of correspondence with cochlear implant (CI) listener results for 12 attributes of phoneme perception (consonant and vowel recognition; F1, F2, and duration information transmission for vowels; voicing, manner, place of articulation, affrication, burst, nasality, and amplitude envelope information transmission for consonants) using four measures of performance. Modulated synthesis signals produced the best correspondence with CI consonant intelligibility, while sinusoids, narrow noise bands, and varying noise bands produced the best correspondence with CI vowel intelligibility. The signals that performed best overall (in terms of correspondence with both vowel and consonant attributes) were modulated and unmodulated noise bands of varying bandwidth that corresponded to a linearly varying excitation width of 0.4 mm at the apical to 8 mm at the basal channels.     

F1 structure provides information for final-consonant voicing

Previous research has shown that F1 offset frequencies are generally lower for vowels preceding voiced consonants than for vowels preceding voiceless consonants. Furthermore, it has been shown that listeners use these differences in offset frequency in making judgments about final-consonant voicing. A recent production study [W. Summers, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 82, 847-863 (1987)] reported that F1 frequency differences due to postvocalic voicing are not limited to the final transition or offset region of the preceding vowel. Vowels preceding voiced consonants showed lower F1 onset frequencies and lower F1 steady-state frequencies than vowels preceding voiceless consonants. The present study examined whether F1 frequency differences in the initial transition and steady-state regions of preceding vowels affect final-consonant voicing judgments in perception. The results suggest that F1 frequency differences in these early portions of preceding vowels do, in fact, influence listeners' judgments of postvocalic consonantal voicing.     

A study of jaw coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for Catalan consonants and vowels

The goal of this study is to investigate coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for the jaw in Catalan consonants and vowels and, more specifically, for the alveolopalatal nasal //[symbol see text]/ and for dark /l/ for which there is little or no data on jaw position and coarticulation. Jaw movement data for symmetrical vowel-consonant-vowel sequences with the consonants /p, n, l, s, ∫, [ symbol see text], k/ and the vowels /i, a, u/ were recorded by three Catalan speakers with a midsagittal magnetometer. Data reveal that jaw height is greater for /s, ∫/ than for /p, [see text]/, which is greater than for /n, l, k/ during the consonant, and for /i, u/ than for /a/ during the vowel. Differences in coarticulatory variability among consonants and vowels are inversely related to differences in jaw height, i.e., fricatives and high vowels are most resistant, and /n, l, k/ and the low vowel are least resistant. Moreover, coarticulation resistant phonetic segments exert more prominent effects and, thus, are more aggressive than segments specified for a lower degree of coarticulatory resistance. Data are discussed in the light of the degree of articulatory constraint model of coarticulation.