A study of jaw coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for Catalan consonants and vowels

The goal of this study is to investigate coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for the jaw in Catalan consonants and vowels and, more specifically, for the alveolopalatal nasal //[symbol see text]/ and for dark /l/ for which there is little or no data on jaw position and coarticulation. Jaw movement data for symmetrical vowel-consonant-vowel sequences with the consonants /p, n, l, s, ∫, [ symbol see text], k/ and the vowels /i, a, u/ were recorded by three Catalan speakers with a midsagittal magnetometer. Data reveal that jaw height is greater for /s, ∫/ than for /p, [see text]/, which is greater than for /n, l, k/ during the consonant, and for /i, u/ than for /a/ during the vowel. Differences in coarticulatory variability among consonants and vowels are inversely related to differences in jaw height, i.e., fricatives and high vowels are most resistant, and /n, l, k/ and the low vowel are least resistant. Moreover, coarticulation resistant phonetic segments exert more prominent effects and, thus, are more aggressive than segments specified for a lower degree of coarticulatory resistance. Data are discussed in the light of the degree of articulatory constraint model of coarticulation.     

Lingual kinematics and coarticulation for alveolopalatal and velar consonants in Catalan

Vertical lingual movement data for the alveolopalatal consonants /?/ and /?/ and for the dorsovelar consonant /k/ in Catalan /aCa/ sequences produced by three speakers reveal that the tongue body travels a smaller distance at a slower speed and in a longer time during the lowering period extending from the consonant into the following vowel (CV) than during the rising period extending from the preceding vowel into the consonant (VC). For two speakers, two-phase trajectories characterized by two successive velocity peaks occur more frequently during the former period than during the latter, whether associated with tongue blade and dorsum (for alveolopalatals) or with the tongue dorsum articulator alone (for velars). Greater tongue dorsum involvement for /?/ and /k/ than for /?/ accounts for a different kinematic relationship between the four articulatory phases. The lingual gesture for alveolopalatals and, less so, that for velars may exert more prominent spatial and temporal effects on V2 than on V1 which is in agreement with the salience of the C-to-V carryover component associated with these consonants according to previous coarticulation studies. These kinematic and coarticulation data may be attributed to tongue dorsum biomechanics to a large extent.     

Acoustic analyses and perceptual data on anticipatory labial coarticulation in adults and children

The present study investigated anticipatory labial coarticulation in the speech of adults and children. CV syllables, composed of [s], [t], and [d] before [i] and [u], were produced by four adult speakers and eight child speakers aged 3-7 years. Each stimulus was computer edited to include only the aperiodic portion of fricative-vowel and stop-vowel syllables. LPC spectra were then computed for each excised segment. Analyses of the effect of the following vowel on the spectral peak associated with the second formant frequency and on the characteristic spectral prominence for each consonant were performed. Perceptual data were obtained by presenting the aperiodic consonantal segments to subjects who were instructed to identify the following vowel as [i] or [u]. Both the acoustic and the perceptual data show strong coarticulatory effects for the adults and comparable, although less consistent, coarticulation in the speech stimuli of the children. The results are discussed in terms of the articulatory and perceptual aspects of coarticulation in language learning.     

A self-learning predictive model of articulator movements during speech production

A model is presented which predicts the movements of flesh points on the tongue, lips, and jaw during speech production, from time-aligned phonetic strings. Starting from a database of x-ray articulator trajectories, means and variances of articulator positions and curvatures at the midpoints of phonemes are extracted from the data set. During prediction, the amount of articulatory effort required in a particular phonetic context is estimated from the relative local curvature of the articulator trajectory concerned. Correlations between position and curvature are used to directly predict variations from mean articulator positions due to coarticulatory effects. Use of the explicit coarticulation model yields a significant increase in articulatory modeling accuracy with respect to x-ray traces, as compared with the use of mean articulator positions alone.     

Compensation for coarticulation, /u/-fronting, and sound change in standard southern British: an acoustic and perceptual study

The aim of the study was to establish whether /u/-fronting, a sound change in progress in standard southern British, could be linked synchronically to the fronting effects of a preceding anterior consonant both in speech production and speech perception. For the production study, which consisted of acoustic analyses of isolated monosyllables produced by two different age groups, it was shown for younger speakers that /u/ was phonetically fronted and that the coarticulatory influence of consonants on /u/ was less than in older speakers. For the perception study, responses were elicited from the same subjects to two minimal word-pair continua that differed in the direction of the consonants' coarticulatory fronting effects on /u/. Consistent with their speech production, young listeners' /u/ category boundary was shifted toward /i/ and they compensated perceptually less for the fronting effects of the consonants on /u/ than older listeners. The findings support Ohala's model in which certain sound changes can be linked to the listener's failure to compensate for coarticulation. The results are also shown to be consistent with episodic models of speech perception in which phonological frequency effects bring about a realignment of the variants of a phonological category in speech production and perception.     

Control of phonemic length contrast and speech rate in vocalic and consonantal syllable nuclei

This paper investigates the mechanisms controlling the phonemic quantity contrast and speech rate in nonsense p(1)Np(2)a words read by five Slovak speakers in normal and fast speech rate. N represents a syllable nucleus, which in Slovak corresponds to long and short vowels and liquid consonants. The movements of the lips and the tongue were recorded with an electromagnetometry system. Together with the acoustic durations of p(1), N, and p(2), gestural characteristics of three core movements were extracted: p(1) lip opening, tongue movement for (N)ucleus, and p(2) lip closing. The results show that, although consonantal and vocalic nuclei are predictably different on many kinematic measures, their common phonological behavior as syllabic nuclei may be linked to a stable temporal coordination of the consonantal gestures flanking the nucleus. The functional contrast between phonemic duration and speech rate was reflected in the bias in the control mechanisms they employed: the strategies robustly used for signaling phonemic duration, such as the degree of coproduction of the two lip movements, showed a minimal effect of speech rate, while measures greatly affected by speech rate, such as p(2) acoustic duration, or the degree of p(1)-N gestural coproduction, tended to be minimally influenced by phonemic quantity.     

Anticipatory velar lowering: a coproduction account

Feature spreading and coproduction models make fundamentally different assumptions about the nature and organization of speech motor control, and yet each model is supported by some, but not all, of the existing empirical data. This has led some researchers to conclude that speakers probably use alternative strategies at different times. This study suggests that the identification of coarticulatory influences requires the concurrent identification of intrinsic articulatory characteristics of the segment. Moreover, the evidence for feature spreading or variable coarticulation strategies derives from the misidentification of such intrinsic characteristics as context effects. This velar coarticulation study used a controlled comparison between CVnN and CVnC minimal pairs, where C is an oral consonant, Vn is any number of vowels, and N is a nasal consonant. Vocalic string duration was manipulated by varying the number of segments and speech rate, allowing us to alter the time between the onsets of vocalic and subsequent consonantal gestures. Velar lowering occurred in CVn sequences, whether or not a nasal consonant followed, and similar vocalic gestures were observed across minimally contrastive environments with and without the nasal consonant. Moreover, velar lowering for the nasal consonant began in close temporal proximity to the nasal murmur. These results strongly support the coproduction model and provide insight into previously conflicting reports.     

Interacting effects of syllable and phrase position on consonant articulation

The complexities of how prosodic structure, both at the phrasal and syllable levels, shapes speech production have begun to be illuminated through studies of articulatory behavior. The present study contributes to an understanding of prosodic signatures on articulation by examining the joint effects of phrasal and syllable position on the production of consonants. Articulatory kinematic data were collected for five subjects using electromagnetic articulography (EMA) to record target consonants (labial, labiodental, and tongue tip), located in (1) either syllable final or initial position and (2) either at a phrase edge or phrase medially. Spatial and temporal characteristics of the consonantal constriction formation and release were determined based on kinematic landmarks in the articulator velocity profiles. The results indicate that syllable and phrasal position consistently affect the movement duration; however, effects on displacement were more variable. For most subjects, the boundary-adjacent portions of the movement (constriction release for a preboundary coda and constriction formation for a postboundary onset) are not differentially affected in terms of phrasal lengthening-both lengthen comparably.     

Articulatory-acoustic kinematics: the production of American English /s/

Due to its aerodynamic, articulatory, and acoustic complexities, the fricative /s/ is known to require high precision in its control, and to be highly resistant to coarticulation. This study documents in detail how jaw, tongue front, tongue back, lips, and the first spectral moment covary during the production of /s/, to establish how coarticulation affects this segment. Data were obtained from 24 speakers in the Wisconsin x-ray microbeam database producing /s/ in prevocalic and pre-obstruent sequences. Analysis of the data showed that certain aspects of jaw and tongue motion had specific kinematic trajectories, regardless of context, and the first spectral moment trajectory corresponded to these in some aspects. In particular contexts, variability due to jaw motion is compensated for by tongue-tip motion and bracing against the palate, to maintain an invariant articulatory-aerodynamic goal, constriction degree. The change in the first spectral moment, which rises to a peak at the midpoint of the fricative, primarily reflects the motion of the jaw. Implications of the results for theories of speech motor control and acoustic-articulatory relations are discussed.     

Articulatory asymmetries

Tongue contact patterns for /s/ and /l/ were investigated using dynamic palatography. Both spatial and temporal asymmetries were commonly found extending into the vocalic transitions for these consonants. Implications for the adequacy of tongue motion data taken in a single midsagittal plane are discussed, as well as for articulatory interpretation of speech signals and speaker recognition applications.     

Construction and control of a physiological articulatory model

A physiological articulatory model has been constructed using a fast computation method, which replicates midsagittal regions of the speech organs to simulate articulatory movements during speech. This study aims to improve the accuracy of modeling by using the displacement-based finite-element method and to develop a new approach for controlling the model. A "semicontinuum" tongue tissue model was realized by a discrete truss structure with continuum viscoelastic cylinders. Contractile effects of the muscles were systemically examined based on model simulations. The results indicated that each muscle drives the tongue toward an equilibrium position (EP) corresponding to the magnitude of the activation forces. The EPs shifted monotonically as the activation force increased. The monotonic shift revealed a unique and invariant mapping, referred to as an EP map, between a spatial position of the articulators and the muscle forces. This study proposes a control method for the articulatory model based on the EP maps, in which co-contractions of agonist and antagonist muscles are taken into account. By utilizing the co-contraction, the tongue tip and tongue dorsum can be controlled to reach their targets independently. Model simulation showed that the co-contraction of agonist and antagonist muscles could increase the stability of a system in dynamic control.     

Coarticulatory organization for lip rounding in Turkish and English

A number of studies, involving English, Swedish, French, and Spanish, have shown that, for sequences of rounded vowels separated by nonlabial consonants, both EMG activity and lip protrusion diminish during the intervocalic consonant interval, producing a "trough" pattern. A two-part study was conducted to (a) compare patterns of protrusion movement (upper and lower lip) and EMG activity (orbicularis oris) for speakers of English and Turkish, a language where phonological rules constrain vowels within a word to agree in rounding and (b) determine which of two current models of coarticulation, the "look-ahead" and "coproduction" models, best explained the data. Results showed Turkish speakers producing "plateau" patterns of movement rather than troughs, and unimodal rather than bimodal patterns of EMG activity. In the second part of the study, one prediction of the coproduction model, that articulatory gestures have stable profiles across contexts, was tested by adding and subtracting movement data signals to synthesize naturally occurring patterns. Results suggest English and Turkish may have different modes of coarticulatory organization.     

A comparison of intergestural patterns in deaf and hearing adult speakers: implications from an acoustic analysis of disyllables.

Coarticulation studies in speech of deaf individuals have so far focused on intrasyllabic patterning of various consonant-vowel sequences. In this study, both inter- and intrasyllabic patterning were examined in disyllables /symbol see text #CVC/ and the effects of phonetic context, speaking rate, and segment type were explored. Systematic observation of F2 and durational measurements in disyllables minimally contrasting in vocalic ([i], [u,][a]) and in consonant ([b], [d]) context, respectively, was made at selected locations in the disyllable, in order to relate inferences about articulatory adjustments with their temporal coordinates. Results indicated that intervocalic coarticulation across hearing and deaf speakers varied as a function of the phonetic composition of disyllables (b_b or d_d). The deaf speakers showed reduced intervocalic coarticulation for bilabial but not for alveolar disyllables compared to the hearing speakers. Furthermore, they showed less marked consonant influences on the schwa and stressed vowel of disyllables compared to the hearing controls. Rate effects were minimal and did not alter the coarticulatory patterns observed across hearing status. The above findings modify the conclusions drawn from previous studies and suggest that the speech of deaf and hearing speakers is guided by different gestural organization.     

Locus equations are an acoustic expression of articulator synergy

The study investigated the articulatory basis of locus equations, regression lines relating F2 at the start of a Consonant-Vowel (CV) transition to F2 at the middle of the vowel, with C fixed and V varying. Several studies have shown that consonants of different places of articulation have locus equation slopes that descend from labial to velar to alveolar, and intercept magnitudes that increase in the opposite order. Using formulas from the theory of bivariate regression that express regression slopes and intercepts in terms of standard deviations and averages of the variables, it is shown that the slope directly encodes a well-established measure of coarticulation resistance. It is also shown that intercepts are directly related to the degree to which the tongue body assists the formation of the constriction for the consonant. Moreover, it is shown that the linearity of locus equations and the linear relation between locus equation slopes and intercepts originates in linearity in articulation between the horizontal position of the tongue dorsum in the consonant and to that in the vowel. It is concluded that slopes and intercepts of acoustic locus equations are measures of articulator synergy.     

The effect of emphatic stress on consonant vowel coarticulation

This study assessed the acoustic coarticulatory effects of phrasal accent on [V1.CV2] sequences, when separately applied to V1 or V2, surrounding the voiced stops [b], [d], and [g]. Three adult speakers each produced 360 tokens (six V1 contexts x ten V2 contexts x three stops x two emphasis conditions). Realizing that anticipatory coarticulation of V2 onto the intervocalic C can be influenced by prosodic effects, as well as by vowel context effects, a modified locus equation regression metric was used to isolate the effect of phrasal accent on consonantal F2 onsets, independently of prosodically induced vowel expansion effects. The analyses revealed two main emphasis-dependent effects: systematic differences in F2 onset values and the expected expansion of vowel space. By accounting for the confounding variable of stress-induced vowel space expansion, a small but consistent coarticulatory effect of emphatic stress on the consonant was uncovered in lingually produced stops, but absent in labial stops. Formant calculations based on tube models indicated similarly increased F2 onsets when stressed /d/ and /g/ were simulated with deeper occlusions resulting from more forceful closure movements during phrasal accented speech.     

Dynamic articulatory model based on multidimensional invariant-feature task representation

A dynamic model of articulatory movements is introduced. The research presented herein focuses on the method of representing the phonemic tasks, i.e., phoneme-specific articulatory targets. Phonemic tasks in our model are formally defined using invariant features of articulatory posture. The invariant features used in the model are characterized by the linear transformation of articulatory variables and found using a statistical analysis of measured articulatory movements, in which the articulatory features with minimum variability are taken to be the invariant features. Articulatory movements making vocal-tract constrictions or relative movements among articulators reflecting task-sharing structures are typical examples of the features found to have low variability. In the trajectory formation of articulatory movements, the dimension number of the phonemic task is set at a smaller value than that of articulatory variables. Consequently, the kinematic states of the articulators are partly constrained at given time instants by a sequence of phonemic tasks, and there remain unconstrained degrees of freedom of articulatory variables. Articulatory movements are determined so that they simultaneously satisfy given phonemic tasks and dynamic smoothness constraints. The dynamic smoothness constraints coupled with the underspecified phonemic targets allow our model to explain contextual articulatory variability using context-independent phonemic tasks. Finally, the capability of the model for predicting actual articulatory movements is quantitatively investigated using empirical articulatory data.     

Generation of the vocal tract spectrum from the underlying articulatory mechanism

A method for synthesizing vocal-tract spectra from phoneme sequences by mimicking the speech production process of humans is presented. The model consists of four main processes and is particularly characterized by an adaptive formation of articulatory movements. First, our model determines the time when each phoneme is articulated. Next, it generates articulatory constraints that must be met for the production of each phoneme, and then it generates trajectories of the articulatory movements that satisfy the constraints. Finally, the time sequence of spectra is estimated from the produced articulatory trajectories. The articulatory constraint of each phoneme does not change with the phonemic context, but the contextual variability of speech is reproduced because of the dynamic articulatory model. The accuracy of the synthesis model was evaluated using data collected by the simultaneous measurement of speech and articulatory movements. The accuracy of the phonemic timing estimates were measured and compared the synthesized results to the measured results. Experimental results showed that the model captured the contextual variability of both the articulatory movements and speech acoustics.     

Evolving theories of vowel perception

Research on the perception of vowels in the last several years has given rise to new conceptions of vowels as articulatory, acoustic, and perceptual events. Starting from a "simple" target model in which vowels were characterized articulatorily as static vocal tract shapes and acoustically as points in a first and second formant (F1/F2) vowel space, this paper briefly traces the evolution of vowel theory in the 1970s and 1980s in two directions. (1) Elaborated target models represent vowels as target zones in perceptual spaces whose dimensions are specified as formant ratios. These models have been developed primarily to account for perceivers' solution of the "speaker normalization" problem. (2) Dynamic specification models emphasize the importance of formant trajectory patterns in specifying vowel identity. These models deal primarily with the problem of "target undershoot" associated with the coarticulation of vowels with consonants in natural speech and with the issue of "vowel-inherent spectral change" or diphthongization of English vowels. Perceptual studies are summarized that motivate these theoretical developments.     

Acoustic variability within and across German, French, and American English vowels: phonetic context effects

Cross-language perception studies report influences of speech style and consonantal context on perceived similarity and discrimination of non-native vowels by inexperienced and experienced listeners. Detailed acoustic comparisons of distributions of vowels produced by native speakers of North German (NG), Parisian French (PF) and New York English (AE) in citation (di)syllables and in sentences (surrounded by labial and alveolar stops) are reported here. Results of within- and cross-language discriminant analyses reveal striking dissimilarities across languages in the spectral/temporal variation of coarticulated vowels. As expected, vocalic duration was most important in differentiating NG vowels; it did not contribute to PF vowel classification. Spectrally, NG long vowels showed little coarticulatory change, but back/low short vowels were fronted/raised in alveolar context. PF vowels showed greater coarticulatory effects overall; back and front rounded vowels were fronted, low and mid-low vowels were raised in both sentence contexts. AE mid to high back vowels were extremely fronted in alveolar contexts, with little change in mid-low and low long vowels. Cross-language discriminant analyses revealed varying patterns of spectral (dis)similarity across speech styles and consonantal contexts that could, in part, account for AE listeners' perception of German and French front rounded vowels, and "similar" mid-high to mid-low vowels.     

Lip-jaw and tongue-jaw coordination during rate-controlled syllable repetitions

The present study investigated the relationship between functionally relevant compound gestures and single-articulator component movements of the jaw and the constrictors lower lip and tongue tip during rate-controlled syllable repetitions. In nine healthy speakers, the effects of speaking rate (3 vs 5 Hz), place of articulation, and vowel type during stop consonant-vowel repetitions (/pa/, /pi/, /ta/, /ti/) on the amplitude and peak velocity of differential jaw and constrictor opening-closing movements were measured by means of electromagnetic articulography. Rather than homogeneously scaled compound gestures, the results suggest distinct control mechanisms for the jaw and the constrictors. In particular, jaw amplitude was closely linked to vowel height during bilabial articulation, whereas the lower lip component amplitude turned out to be predominantly rate sensitive. However, the observed variability across subjects and conditions does not support the assumption that single-articulator gestures directly correspond to basic phonological units. The nonhomogeneous effects of speech rate on articulatory subsystem parameters indicate that single structures are differentially rate sensitive. On average, an increase in speech rate resulted in a more or less proportional increase of the steepness of peak velocity/amplitude scaling for jaw movements, whereas the constrictors were less rate sensitive in this respect. Negative covariation across repetitions between jaw and constrictor amplitudes has been considered an indicator of motor equivalence. Although significant in some cases, such a relationship was not consistently observed across subjects. Considering systematic sources of variability such as vowel height, speech rate, and subjects, jaw-constrictor amplitude correlations showed a nonhomogeneous pattern strongly depending on place of articulation.