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1.
The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries marks a period of transition between the vitalistic ontology that had dominated Renaissance natural philosophy and the Early Modern mechanistic paradigm endorsed by, among others, the Cartesians and Newtonians. This paper will focus on how the tensions between vitalism and mechanism played themselves out in the context of sixteenth and seventeenth century chemistry and chemical philosophy, particularly in the works of Paracelsus, Jan Baptista Van Helmont, Robert Fludd, and Robert Boyle. Rather than argue that these natural philosophers each embraced either fully vitalistic or fully mechanistic ontologies, I hope to demonstrate that these thinkers adhered to complicated and nuanced ontologies that cannot be described in either purely vitalistic or purely mechanistic terms. A central feature of my argument is the claim that a corpuscularian theory of matter does not entail a strictly mechanistic and reductionistic account of chemical properties. I also argue that what marks the shift from pre-modern vitalistic chemical philosophy to the modern chemical philosophy that marked the Chemical Revolution is not the victory of mechanism and reductionism in chemistry but, rather, the shift to a physicalistic and naturalistic account of chemical properties and vital spirits.  相似文献   

2.
Ragland E 《Ambix》2012,59(1):1-21
Franciscus dele Bo? (1614-1672), known as Sylvius, was one of the foremost chymical physicians of the mid-seventeenth century. He developed a highly influential and equally controversial theory of chymistry and physiology based on the interaction of acids and alkalis, taught students from across Europe, and performed and guided experimental research on digestion, glands, respiration, and the motion of the heart. Throughout his work, Sylvius grounded his knowledge of the acid and alkali chymical principles in the practice of tasting. In this paper, I expand our knowledge of Sylvius's chymistry and recover the surprising extent and significance of his use of his senses to assay chymical substances. I compare the uses of taste in more traditional Galenic medicine and the emerging chymistry in order to argue that Sylvius's reliance on taste grew directly out of his favoured chymical traditions. Looking to the broader context of philosophical medicine also allows us to see Sylvius's explicit commitment to Cartesian matter theory as an ideal: a metaphysical dream that he accepted yet criticised for its poor fit with the hard work and bodily experience central to proper chymistry and medicine.  相似文献   

3.
none 《Ambix》2013,60(1):51-68
Abstract

In a series of lectures appended to his magisterial Anatomy of Plants (1682), Nehemiah Grew (1641–1712) explained the results of his own research into the saline chemistry of plants, following an established tradition in early modern chemistry. Members of the Royal Society such as Daniel Coxe were heavily involved in researching salt chemistry in the latter part of the seventeenth century, analysing the role of salts in spa waters, physiology, and as a fundamental element in iatrochemistry. Such researches of Royal Society members were often based upon the chemistry of Johann Van Helmont (1577–1634). As this paper will demonstrate, Grew's work drew from his microscopic research to elaborate and question some of Coxe's and hence Van Helmont's ideas about the principles of matter. Grew also used the results of his chemical research to draw conclusions about plant structure and colour, and applied his results to other areas in natural history such as meteorology, illustrating that chemistry was the basic analytical tool for seventeenth-century investigators of anatomy and natural history.  相似文献   

4.
Joel A. Klein 《Ambix》2015,62(1):29-49
This article explores the Wittenberg Professor Daniel Sennert's (1572–1637) pursuit of nearly universal medicines made from noble metals, which he described in his published works and in private correspondence with his brother-in-law, Michael Döring. Of the medicaments that Sennert sought, one called the Philosophical Hen was especially interesting, and involved feeding a hen silver or gold during propitious astrological conjunctions. Sennert's support of this experiment was rooted in his obsession with experience and can be partially explained by looking to an extensive tradition of natural philosophy and natural history. Sennert explained such nearlyuniversal medicines according to the rational principles of academic medicine, arguing that they strengthened the body's innate heat or acted as universal purgatives. From Sennert's candid epistles, we receive a more historicised portrait of the collaborative experimental process by which chymical medicines were conceptualised and tested, and how the consequences of experimental failure and perceived credulity could be increased scepticism.  相似文献   

5.
Although Boyle has been regarded as a champion of the seventeenth century Cartesian mechanical philosophy, I defend the position that Boyle’s views conciliate between a strictly mechanistic conception of fundamental matter and a non-reductionist conception of chemical qualities. In particular, I argue that this conciliation is evident in Boyle’s ontological distinction between fundamental corpuscles endowed with mechanistic properties and higher-level corpuscular concretions endowed with chemical properties. Some of these points have already been acknowledged by contemporary scholars, and I actively engage with their ideas in this paper. However I attempt to contribute to the debate over Boyle’s mechanical philosophy by arguing that Boyle’s writings suggest an emergentist, albeit still mechanistic, notion of chemical properties. I contrast Boyle’s views against those of strict reductionist mechanical philosophers, focusing on the famous debate with Spinoza over the redintegration of niter, and argue that Boyle’s complex chemical ontology provides a more satisfactory understanding of chemical phenomena than is provided by a strictly reductionist and Cartesian mechanical philosophy.  相似文献   

6.
Dorothea Heitsch 《Ambix》2016,63(4):285-303
René Descartes (1596–1650) insisted on a heat and light theory to explain cardiac movement, and used concepts such as distillation of the vital spirits, fermentation in the digestive process, and fermentation in the circulation of the blood. I argue that his theory of the body as a heat-exchange system was based on alchemical and natural philosophical notions of fire and light expounded by precursors and contemporaries who included Jean D'Espagnet, Jean Fernel, Jan Baptist van Helmont, and Andreas Libavius. Descartes endeavoured to mechanise their approaches, creating a theory in which fire and heat, a legacy from thermal explanations of physiology, were transformed into alchemical fire, and then into mechanistic or physicalist heat.  相似文献   

7.
Justin Rivest 《Ambix》2018,65(3):275-295
This article explores the links between chymical medicine, charity, and vocation in the writings and careers of Henri Rousseau de Montbazon and Nicolas Aignan, known as “the Louvre Capuchins” (les capucins du Louvre) because they operated a royally sponsored medical laboratory at the Louvre from 1678 to 1679. It shows that Rousseau and Aignan’s hybrid persona as chymical physicians and mendicant friars allowed them to leverage courtly values surrounding charitable poor relief into lucrative patronage under Louis XIV. Aignan in particular developed a detailed theological and natural philosophical defence of this identity, framing it as a recovery of the authentic vocation of the Christian priest-physician, a healer of bodies as well as souls. By the end of the seventeenth century, however, I argue that Rousseau and Aignan’s attempts to reconcile their identities as both friars and healers into a single persona were increasingly challenged by the medical establishment and their own order.  相似文献   

8.
This essay proposes to discuss the manner in which Jan Baptista van Helmont helped to transform the Neoplatonic notions of vital spirit and of ferment by giving these notions an unambiguously chemical interpretation, thereby influencing the eventual naturalization of these ideas in the work of late seventeenth century chymists. This chemical interpretation of vital spirit and ferment forms part of Helmont’s hybrid ontology, which fuses a corpuscular conception of minima naturalia with a non-corporeal conception of semina rerum. For Helmont, chemical alterations involve the minima as physical units but also depend upon ferments that are contained in the semina, which function as formative spiritual agents. Helmont’s nuanced ontology ultimately contributes to the development of modern corpuscularian theory by explaining many chemical reactions in fundamentally corpuscular terms, as the addition and subtraction of particles.  相似文献   

9.
《Ambix》2013,60(1):22-48
Abstract

This paper is based on the archaeological and analytical study of the laboratory remains from the Officina Chimica of the Old Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. Following a contextualisation of this laboratory, founded in the wake of Bacon’s utopian idea of Solomon’s Temple, it is argued that the assemblage is likely to date from the late seventeenth century and thus be connected to the work of Robert Plot, Christopher White, and, indirectly, Robert Boyle. The analytical study of the equipment reveals that the chymists at the Old Ashmolean obtained crucibles from the best manufacturers in Europe, and that they used these and other utensils for experiments involving mercury, sulphur, zinc, lead glass, manganese, and antimony. The importance of these elements for early modern chymistry is discussed in the light of relevant historical sources, including some of Boyle’s chymical texts. Altogether, these finds illustrate some of the rich diversity of experiments that took place in one of the most prominent laboratories of the period, showing strong connections with longstanding alchemical concerns as well as with cutting-edge research and development ventures.  相似文献   

10.
Francis William Aston was among the most accomplished physicists of the 20th century. A Nobel laureate and Fellow of the Royal Society, his research career spanned four decades. During this time, he provided experimental proof for the existence of isotopes of many of the chemical elements and recorded their masses using several, hand-built mass spectrographs. A rather private man who lived alone in Trinity College for much of his adult life, Aston remains a somewhat elusive and mysterious figure. This biography attempts to shed some more light on the man, including his character and his personal life, and particularly how his life was shaped by his childhood, environment and education. It contains previously unpublished material and photographs and complements the biographies of Hevesy and Thomson, following Aston's death, and that by Squires detailing the construction and performance of his mass spectrographs at the Cavendish Laboratory. It is published at a timely juncture, some 100 years after Aston's first arrival at Cambridge.  相似文献   

11.
The 17th century was witness to scientific chemistry’s emergence from the odd experiments of alchemy. We cannot ascertain its precise date of birth, we can, however, its precise date of christening: in 1661 “The Sceptical Chymist”, the first classical work in the history of chemistry was published by Robert Boyle. Boyle called his chemistry »sceptical« because he had made up his mind to leave aside all mystical explanations and occult attributes as the holy shrine of ignorance. Since those days concepts and theories have been constantly refined under the eyes of the »sceptical chemist« in dialogue with nature. In terms of methodology and concepts the path of recognition was laid down in advance by a contemporary of R. Boyle. It has led in a spiro-cyclical style right up to the end of the 20th century: the principle of the sciences of the 17th century mutated from “corso/ricorso” of then to the “recycling” of today. This principle is discussed.  相似文献   

12.
This paper is based on the archaeological and analytical study of the laboratory remains from the Officina Chimica of the Old Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. Following a contextualisation of this laboratory, founded in the wake of Bacon's utopian idea of Solomon's Temple, it is argued that the assemblage is likely to date from the late seventeenth century and thus be connected to the work of Robert Plot, Christopher White, and, indirectly, Robert Boyle. The analytical study of the equipment reveals that the chymists at the Old Ashmolean obtained crucibles from the best manufacturers in Europe, and that they used these and other utensils for experiments involving mercury, sulphur, zinc, lead glass, manganese, and antimony. The importance of these elements for early modern chymistry is discussed in the light of relevant historical sources, including some of Boyle's chymical texts. Altogether, these finds illustrate some of the rich diversity of experiments that took place in one of the most prominent laboratories of the period, showing strong connections with longstanding alchemical concerns as well as with cutting-edge research and development ventures.  相似文献   

13.
The 17th century was witness to scientific chemistry’s emergence from the odd experiments of alchemy. We cannot ascertain its precise date of birth, we can, however, its precise date of christening: in 1661 “The Sceptical Chymist”, the first classical work in the history of chemistry was published by Robert Boyle. Boyle called his chemistry ?sceptical? because he had made up his mind to leave aside all mystical explanations and occult attributes as the holy shrine of ignorance. Since those days concepts and theories have been constantly refined under the eyes of the ?sceptical chemist? in dialogue with nature. In terms of methodology and concepts the path of recognition was laid down in advance by a contemporary of R. Boyle. It has led in a spiro-cyclical style right up to the end of the 20th century: the principle of the sciences of the 17th century mutated from “corso/ricorso” of then to the “recycling” of today. This principle is discussed. Received: 15 January 1996 / Accepted: 31 January 1996  相似文献   

14.
《Ambix》2013,60(2):122-135
Abstract

Van Helmont's work was of major importance in seventeenth-century medicine, chymistry and natural philosophy. His work was a source of inspiration and mystery and an authoritas. His oeuvre was, together with that of many others, the culminating point of an ongoing process, starting in the Middle Ages, of turning medicine into a scientific discipline. In this essay, the appropriation, that is, the process of assimilation of an author's work by other scholars, of Van Helmont's oeuvre in England will be studied among chymists, physicians and natural philosophers (the distinctions between these three groups is primarily conceptual, but in practice hard to distinguish). Appropriation reminds us that the process of assimilating ideas of an author by contemporaries or later generations is not a passive activity, for scholars actively adapt and interpret them in new ways not initially envisaged by its original author.  相似文献   

15.
16.
17.

Chemistry and dynamics are closely related in G.W. Leibniz's thinking, from the corpuscularism of his youth to the theory of conspiracy movements that he proposes in his later years. Despite the importance of chemistry and chemical thought in Leibniz's philosophy, interpreters have not paid enough attention to this subject, especially in the recent decades. This work aims to contribute to filling this gap in Leibnizian studies. In this first part of the work I will expose the theory of matter that the young Leibniz conceives under the influence of chemical corpuscularism. Leibniz uses R. Boyle's interpretation of the Aristotelian idea of form in order to give an explanation of the unity and cohesion of bodies. As opposed to the Cartesians, Leibniz puts forth the idea of a dependence between the variables of extension, movement and figure, without losing analytical clarity and with the aim of extending the explanatory power of physics to natural phenomena difficult to approach by Cartesian mechanics.

  相似文献   

18.
《中国化学快报》2023,34(2):107936
The issue about how outstanding scientists obtained innovative findings has drawn the interest of researchers in science, policy and scientometrics. Here, we attempt to address this question by using computational methods to measure the cognitive content and concepts of K. Barry Sharpless’ research and estimate the knowledge flow of his click chemistry to other fields. First, we traced Sharpless' conceptual journey over time through topic modeling approach, mapping and clustering of the epistemic network from distant reading his publications. We find that connectivity and functions, the core features of click chemistry, are embodied in his constant search for simplicity. What makes simplicity possible is his continuous work with collaborators on reactivity and reaction mechanisms. Moreover, citation and link analysis show that click chemistry had a much richer impact on other research fields than what is generally acknowledged, and drew solutions to significant and practical questions back to chemistry from biology. Together with these findings, we propose that the click chemistry philosophy follows the way that values nature's principle. Chemistry has a clear-cut epistemic domain in modeling Nature. Thus, click chemistry as a concept on doing science beyond a connective technology goes across the boundaries between disciplines and impacts many other fields.  相似文献   

19.
Jan Golinski 《Ambix》2019,66(2-3):181-194
The letters of Humphry Davy and his circle, to be published shortly, shed new light on his marriage to Jane Apreece. This paper examines the journeys undertaken by the couple, together and separately, with particular attention to the therapeutic benefits they sought from travel. I argue that their increasingly divergent itineraries reflected a growing understanding that Humphry and Jane had different humoral temperaments or constitutions, leading them to seek different climatic conditions to cure their ailments. While Jane’s temperament was classified as melancholic, requiring her to travel to warmer and sunnier climes during the English winter, Humphry’s was believed to be sanguine, meaning he had to avoid excessive heat along with stimulating food and drink. He relied on classical ideas about individuals’ different humoral constitutions, and the therapies appropriate to them, while measuring atmospheric variables to determine the best places to restore his health. The Davys’ letters reveal the beliefs about bodily differences and atmospheric conditions that shaped their therapeutic travels.  相似文献   

20.
Though causality seems to have a natural place in chemical thought, the analysis of the underlying causal concepts requires attention to two different research styles. In Part One I attempt a classification and critical analysis of several philosophical accounts of causal concepts which appear to be very diverse. I summarize this diversity which ranges from causality as displayed in regular concomitances of types of events to causality as the activity of agents. Part Two is concerned with the analysis of contrasting chemical discourses, comparing the classical atomist style of Boyle, and Lavoisier and von Liebig with the later energeticist style of van’t Hoff and Hinshelwood. In detail different clusters of causal concepts can be abstracted from these discursive styles, yet they all approximate the Realist format for causal discourse. By way of summary I make an attempt to map the vernacular distinctions of Part Two onto the philosophical territory of Part One. The argument is rounded off with a brief analysis of a chemical publication of 2008.  相似文献   

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