Production of the word-final English /t/-/d/ contrast by native speakers of English, Mandarin, and Spanish.

The primary aim of this study was to determine if adults whose native language permits neither voiced nor voiceless stops to occur in word-final position can master the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Native English-speaking listeners identified the voicing feature in word-final stops produced by talkers in five groups: native speakers of English, experienced and inexperienced native Spanish speakers of English, and experienced and inexperienced native Mandarin speakers of English. Contrary to hypothesis, the experienced second language (L2) learners' stops were not identified significantly better than stops produced by the inexperienced L2 learners; and their stops were correctly identified significantly less often than stops produced by the native English speakers. Acoustic analyses revealed that the native English speakers made vowels significantly longer before /d/ than /t/, produced /t/-final words with a higher F1 offset frequency than /d/-final words, produced more closure voicing in /d/ than /t/, and sustained closure longer for /t/ than /d/. The L2 learners produced the same kinds of acoustic differences between /t/ and /d/, but theirs were usually of significantly smaller magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that only a few of the 40 L2 learners examined in the present study had mastered the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Several possible explanations for this negative finding are presented. Multiple regression analyses revealed that the native English listeners made perceptual use of the small, albeit significant, vowel duration differences produced in minimal pairs by the nonnative speakers. A significantly stronger correlation existed between vowel duration differences and the listeners' identifications of final stops in minimal pairs when the perceptual judgments were obtained in an "edited" condition (where post-vocalic cues were removed) than in a "full cue" condition. This suggested that listeners may modify their identification of stops based on the availability of acoustic cues.     

Perception of familiar contrasts in unfamiliar positions

This paper investigates the perception of non-native phoneme contrasts which exist in the native language, but not in the position tested. Like English, Dutch contrasts voiced and voiceless obstruents. Unlike English, Dutch allows only voiceless obstruents in word-final position. Dutch and English listeners' accuracy on English final voicing contrasts and their use of preceding vowel duration as a voicing cue were tested. The phonetic structure of Dutch should provide the necessary experience for a native-like use of this cue. Experiment 1 showed that Dutch listeners categorized English final /z/-/s/, /v/-/f/, /b/-/p/, and /d/-/t/ contrasts in nonwords as accurately as initial contrasts, and as accurately as English listeners did, even when release bursts were removed. In experiment 2, English listeners used vowel duration as a cue for one final contrast, although it was uninformative and sometimes mismatched other voicing characteristics, whereas Dutch listeners did not. Although it should be relatively easy for them, Dutch listeners did not use vowel duration. Nevertheless, they attained native-like accuracy, and sometimes even outperformed the native listeners who were liable to be misled by uninformative vowel duration information. Thus, native-like use of cues for non-native but familiar contrasts in unfamiliar positions may hardly ever be attained.     

Differential use of temporal cues to the /s/-/z/ contrast by native and non-native speakers of English

This study examined the effect of linguistic experience on perception of the English /s/-/z/ contrast in word-final position. The durations of the periodic ("vowel") and aperiodic ("fricative") portions of stimuli, ranging from peas to peace, were varied in a 5 X 5 factorial design. Forced-choice identification judgments were elicited from two groups of native speakers of American English differing in dialect, and from two groups each of native speakers of French, Swedish, and Finnish differing in English-language experience. The results suggested that the non-native subjects used cues established for the perception of phonetic contrasts in their native language to identify fricatives as /s/ or /z/. Lengthening vowel duration increased /z/ judgments in all eight subject groups, although the effect was smaller for native speakers of French than for native speakers of the other languages. Shortening fricative duration, on the other hand, significantly decreased /z/ judgments only by the English and French subjects. It did not influence voicing judgments by the Swedish and Finnish subjects, even those who had lived for a year or more in an English-speaking environment. These findings raise the question of whether adults who learn a foreign language can acquire the ability to integrate multiple acoustic cues to a phonetic contrast which does not exist in their native language.     

The development of skill in producing word-final English stops: kinematic parameters

It was hypothesized that native English adults would be more skillful in producing word-final English /p/ and /b/ than native English children who, in turn, would be more skillful in doing so than adult native speakers of a language (Mandarin Chinese) that does not possess word-final stops. A video tracking system was used to monitor lip and jaw movements. The subjects in all three groups made vowels significantly longer before /b/ than /p/, but the effect seen for the English subjects was three times as large as the Chinese subjects' effect and depended less on differences in lip closing velocity for (b) and /p/. The English subjects also showed a difference in duration between /a/ and /i/ that was twice as large as the difference seen for the Chinese subjects. Of the three groups, only the English adults showed significantly greater displacement and peak movement velocity for the final stop consonant of /bap/ than /bab/. This suggested that their central phonetic representations specified a more forceful constriction of the lips for /p/ than /b/. The English adults seemed to compensate more effectively for a bite block in producing the final stops in /bip/ and /bib/. The results obtained for the English children were intermediate to those obtained for the English and Chinese adults, which is consistent with the hypothesized experience-based differences in level of skill.     

Training Japanese listeners to identify English /r/ and /l/: a first report

Native speakers of Japanese learning English generally have difficulty differentiating the phonemes /r/ and /l/, even after years of experience with English. Previous research that attempted to train Japanese listeners to distinguish this contrast using synthetic stimuli reported little success, especially when transfer to natural tokens containing /r/ and /l/ was tested. In the present study, a different training procedure that emphasized variability among stimulus tokens was used. Japanese subjects were trained in a minimal pair identification paradigm using multiple natural exemplars contrasting /r/ and /l/ from a variety of phonetic environments as stimuli. A pretest-posttest design containing natural tokens was used to assess the effects of training. Results from six subjects showed that the new procedure was more robust than earlier training techniques. Small but reliable differences in performance were obtained between pretest and posttest scores. The results demonstrate the importance of stimulus variability and task-related factors in training nonnative speakers to perceive novel phonetic contrasts that are not distinctive in their native language.     

The function of Shp2 tyrosine phosphatase in the dispersal of acetylcholine receptor clusters

Background

Tone languages such as Thai and Mandarin Chinese use differences in fundamental frequency (F₀, pitch) to distinguish lexical meaning. Previous behavioral studies have shown that native speakers of a non-tone language have difficulty discriminating among tone contrasts and are sensitive to different F₀ dimensions than speakers of a tone language. The aim of the present ERP study was to investigate the effect of language background and training on the non-attentive processing of lexical tones. EEG was recorded from 12 adult native speakers of Mandarin Chinese, 12 native speakers of American English, and 11 Thai speakers while they were watching a movie and were presented with multiple tokens of low-falling, mid-level and high-rising Thai lexical tones. High-rising or low-falling tokens were presented as deviants among mid-level standard tokens, and vice versa. EEG data and data from a behavioral discrimination task were collected before and after a two-day perceptual categorization training task.

Results

Behavioral discrimination improved after training in both the Chinese and the English groups. Low-falling tone deviants versus standards elicited a mismatch negativity (MMN) in all language groups. Before, but not after training, the English speakers showed a larger MMN compared to the Chinese, even though English speakers performed worst in the behavioral tasks. The MMN was followed by a late negativity, which became smaller with improved discrimination. The High-rising deviants versus standards elicited a late negativity, which was left-lateralized only in the English and Chinese groups.

Conclusion

Results showed that native speakers of English, Chinese and Thai recruited largely similar mechanisms when non-attentively processing Thai lexical tones. However, native Thai speakers differed from the Chinese and English speakers with respect to the processing of late F₀ contour differences (high-rising versus mid-level tones). In addition, native speakers of a non-tone language (English) were initially more sensitive to F₀ onset differences (low-falling versus mid-level contrast), which was suppressed as a result of training. This result converges with results from previous behavioral studies and supports the view that attentive as well as non-attentive processing of F₀ contrasts is affected by language background, but is malleable even in adult learners.     

Age of learning affects the authenticity of voice-onset time (VOT) in stop consonants produced in a second language

This study examined whether Spanish-English bilinguals are able to fully differentiate Spanish and English /t/ according to voice-onset time (VOT) if they learn English as a second language (L2) in early childhood. In experiment 1, VOT was measured in Spanish words spoken by Spanish monolinguals, in English words spoken by English monolinguals, and in Spanish and English words spoken by bilinguals who learned English either as young children or as adults. As expected, the Spanish monolinguals produced /t/ with considerably shorter VOT values than the English monolinguals. Also as expected, the late L2 learners produced English /t/ with "compromise" VOT values that were intermediate to the short-lag values observed for Spanish monolinguals and the long-lag values observed for English monolinguals. The early learners' VOT values for English /t/, on the other hand, did not differ from English monolinguals' VOT. The same pattern of results was obtained for stops in utterance-medial position and in absolute utterance-initial position. The results of experiment 1 were replicated in experiment 2, where bilingual subjects were required to produce Spanish and English utterances (sentences, phrases, words) in alteration. The results are interpreted to mean that individuals who learn an L2 in early childhood, but not those who learn an L2 later in life, are able to establish phonetic categories for sounds in the L2 that differ acoustically from corresponding sounds in the native language. It is hypothesized that the late L2 learners produced /t/ with slightly longer VOT values in English than Spanish by applying different realization rules to a single phonetic category.     

Category restructuring during second-language speech acquisition

This study examined the production of English /b/ and the perception of short-lag English /b d g/ tokens by four groups of bilinguals who differed according to their age of arrival (AOA) in Canada from Italy and amount of self-reported native language (L1) use. A clear difference emerged between early bilinguals (mean AOA= 8 years) and late bilinguals (mean AOA= 20 years). The late bilinguals showed a stronger L1 influence than the early bilinguals did on both the production and perception of English stops. In experiment 2, the late bilinguals produced a larger percentage of prevoiced English /b/ tokens than early bilinguals and native English (NE) speakers did. In experiment 3, the late bilinguals misidentified short-lag English /b d g/ tokens as /p t k/ more often than the early bilinguals and NE speakers did. Experiment 4 revealed that the frequencies with which the bilinguals prevoiced /b d g/ in Italian and English were correlated. The observed differences between the early and late bilinguals were attributed to differences in the quantity and quality of English phonetic input they had received, not to a greater likelihood by the early than late bilinguals to establish new phonetic categories for English /b d g/.     

The development of skill in producing word-final English stops

This study examined production of word-final English /p/ and /b/ by subjects whose native language does not possess voiced stops in word-final position. Native Chinese adults resembled native English adults, native English children, and native Chinese children in producing /p/ with greater peak oral air pressure than /b/. However, unlike subjects in the other groups, the Chinese adults' /b/ was sometimes misidentified as /p/. This may have occurred, at least in part, because the Chinese adults produced a much smaller difference between /p/ and /b/ in labial closure duration and voicing than the other subjects. The English adults sustained voicing in /b/ significantly longer than subjects in the other three groups. To help determine the basis for this ability, the shape of oral air pressure waveforms was examined systematically. The percentage of "delayed" and "bimodal" waveforms, in which pressure stopped increasing, or decreased, prior to the release of labial constriction, was calculated for each group. Only the English adults showed more such waveforms for /b/ than /p/. Voicing continued 18 ms longer in /b/ tokens with delayed and bimodal waveforms than in tokens in which oral pressure increased continuously. The duration of closure voicing was correlated with the rate at which pressure increased in the English adults' /b/ waveforms. Previous aerodynamic modeling has shown that delayed and bimodal waveforms may result from an active enlargement of the supraglottal cavity. This, together with the pattern of between-group differences observed here, suggests that the English adults learned to enlarge the supraglottal cavity to sustain voicing in /b/. It appears that neither the children nor the Chinese adults had as yet acquired this skill.     

Reiterant speech as a test of non-native speakers' mastery of the timing of French.

The reiterant speech of ten native speakers of French was analyzed to develop baseline measures for syllable and consonant/vowel timing for a series of two-, three-, four-, and five-syllable French words spoken in isolation. Ten native speakers of English, who learned French as a second language, produced reiterant versions of both the French words and a comparable set of English words. The native speakers of English were divided into two groups on the basis of their second language experience. The first group consisted of four university-level teachers, who were relatively experienced learners of French, and the second group of six less experienced learners of French. The French reiterant imitations of the two groups of native speakers of English were compared to the native French speakers' productions. The timing patterns of the experienced group of non-native speakers did not differ significantly from those of the native French speakers, whereas there was a significant difference between these two groups and the group of six less experienced second-language learners. Deviations from the French baseline measures produced by the less experienced group are discussed in terms of the influence of the timing patterns of English and the literature on a sensitive period for second language acquisition.     

The role of temporal and dynamic signal components in the perception of syllable-final stop voicing by children and adults

Adults whose native languages permit syllable-final obstruents, and show a vocalic length distinction based on the voicing of those obstruents, consistently weight vocalic duration strongly in their perceptual decisions about the voicing of final stops, at least in laboratory studies using synthetic speech. Children, on the other hand, generally disregard such signal properties in their speech perception, favoring formant transitions instead. These age-related differences led to the prediction that children learning English as a native language would weight vocalic duration less than adults, but weight syllable-final transitions more in decisions of final-consonant voicing. This study tested that prediction. In the first experiment, adults and children (eight and six years olds) labeled synthetic and natural CVC words with voiced or voiceless stops in final C position. Predictions were strictly supported for synthetic stimuli only. With natural stimuli it appeared that adults and children alike weighted syllable-offset transitions strongly in their voicing decisions. The predicted age-related difference in the weighting of vocalic duration was seen for these natural stimuli almost exclusively when syllable-final transitions signaled a voiced final stop. A second experiment with adults and children (seven and five years old) replicated these results for natural stimuli with four new sets of natural stimuli. It was concluded that acoustic properties other than vocalic duration might play more important roles in voicing decisions for final stops than commonly asserted, sometimes even taking precedence over vocalic duration.     

Production of phonetic and phonological contrast by heritage speakers of Mandarin

This study tested the hypothesis that heritage speakers of a minority language, due to their childhood experience with two languages, would outperform late learners in producing contrast: language-internal phonological contrast, as well as cross-linguistic phonetic contrast between similar, yet acoustically distinct, categories of different languages. To this end, production of Mandarin and English by heritage speakers of Mandarin was compared to that of native Mandarin speakers and native American English-speaking late learners of Mandarin in three experiments. In experiment 1, back vowels in Mandarin and English were produced distinctly by all groups, but the greatest separation between similar vowels was achieved by heritage speakers. In experiment 2, Mandarin aspirated and English voiceless plosives were produced distinctly by native Mandarin speakers and heritage speakers, who both put more distance between them than late learners. In experiment 3, the Mandarin retroflex and English palato-alveolar fricatives were distinguished by more heritage speakers and late learners than native Mandarin speakers. Thus, overall the hypothesis was supported: across experiments, heritage speakers were found to be the most successful at simultaneously maintaining language-internal and cross-linguistic contrasts, a result that may stem from a close approximation of phonetic norms that occurs during early exposure to both languages.     

Trading relations in the perception of /r/-/l/ by Japanese learners of English

The role of language-specific factors in phonetically based trading relations was examined by assessing the ability of 20 native Japanese speakers to identify and discriminate stimuli of two synthetic /r/-/l/ series that varied temporal and spectral parameters independently. Results of forced-choice identification and oddity discrimination tasks showed that the nine Japanese subjects who were able to identify /r/ and /l/ reliably demonstrated a trading relation similar to that of Americans. Discrimination results reflected the perceptual equivalence of temporal and spectral parameters. Discrimination by the 11 Japanese subjects who were unable to identify the /r/-/l/ series differed significantly from the skilled Japanese subjects and native English speakers. However, their performance could not be predicted on the basis of acoustic dissimilarity alone. These results provide evidence that the trading relation between temporal and spectral cues for the /r/-/l/ contrast is not solely attributable to general auditory or language-universal phonetic processing constraints, but rather is also a function of phonemic processes that can be modified in the course of learning a second language.     

Native Italian speakers' perception and production of English vowels

This study examined the production and perception of English vowels by highly experienced native Italian speakers of English. The subjects were selected on the basis of the age at which they arrived in Canada and began to learn English, and how much they continued to use Italian. Vowel production accuracy was assessed through an intelligibility test in which native English-speaking listeners attempted to identify vowels spoken by the native Italian subjects. Vowel perception was assessed using a categorial discrimination test. The later in life the native Italian subjects began to learn English, the less accurately they produced and perceived English vowels. Neither of two groups of early Italian/English bilinguals differed significantly from native speakers of English either for production or perception. This finding is consistent with the hypothesis of the speech learning model [Flege, in Speech Perception and Linguistic Experience: Theoretical and Methodological Issues (York, Timonium, MD, 1995)] that early bilinguals establish new categories for vowels found in the second language (L2). The significant correlation observed to exist between the measures of L2 vowel production and perception is consistent with another hypothesis of the speech learning model, viz., that the accuracy with which L2 vowels are produced is limited by how accurately they are perceived.     

Cerebral hemodynamic response in Chinese (first) and English (second) language processing revealed by event-related functional MRI.

Comparative functional neuroimaging studies using the block design paradigm have previously demonstrated that there are no significant differences in the location of areas of cerebral activation when native Chinese speakers independently process single words or sentences in both the Chinese (first) and English (second) languages. While it has also been documented that significant domains of brain response include the inferior to middle left frontal lobe, the latency, amplitude and duration of the associated hemodynamic changes during isolated neural processing of Chinese and English languages still remain unknown. The aim of this study, therefore, was to examine the characteristics of the hemodynamic alterations in the above-mentioned regions with event-related functional MRI (ER-fMRI) when native Chinese speakers performed verb generation tasks in both the Chinese (first) and English (second) languages. Our results demonstrate the presence of a similar neural activity-induced hemodynamic response in the inferior to middle left frontal lobe during both tasks. Further, there were also no statistically significant differences among the variables that described the hemodynamic response curves. These findings strongly imply that the underlying neural mechanism for Chinese (first) and English (second) language processing may be similar in native Chinese speakers.     

A study of sentence stress production in Mandarin speakers of American English

Acoustic characteristics of American English sentence stress produced by native Mandarin speakers are reported. Fundamental frequency (F0), vowel duration, and vowel intensity in the sentence-level stress produced by 40 Mandarin speakers were compared to those of 40 American English speakers. Results obtained from two methods of stress calculation indicated that Mandarin speakers of American English are able to differentiate stressed and unstressed words according to features of F0, duration, and intensity. Although the group of Mandarin speakers were able to signal stress in their sentence productions, the acoustic characteristics of stress were not identical to the American speakers. Mandarin speakers were found to produce stressed words with a significantly higher F0 and shorter duration compared to the American speakers. The groups also differed in production of unstressed words with Mandarin speakers using a higher F0 and greater intensity compared to American speakers. Although the acoustic differences observed may reflect an interference of L1 Mandarin in the production of L2 American English, the outcome of this study suggests no critical divergence between these speakers in the way they implement American English sentence stress.     

Absolute pitch among American and Chinese conservatory students: prevalence differences, and evidence for a speech-related critical period

Absolute pitch is extremely rare in the U.S. and Europe; this rarity has so far been unexplained. This paper reports a substantial difference in the prevalence of absolute pitch in two normal populations, in a large-scale study employing an on-site test, without self-selection from within the target populations. Music conservatory students in the U.S. and China were tested. The Chinese subjects spoke the tone language Mandarin, in which pitch is involved in conveying the meaning of words. The American subjects were nontone language speakers. The earlier the age of onset of musical training, the greater the prevalence of absolute pitch; however, its prevalence was far greater among the Chinese than the U.S. students for each level of age of onset of musical training. The findings suggest that the potential for acquiring absolute pitch may be universal, and may be realized by enabling infants to associate pitches with verbal labels during the critical period for acquisition of features of their native language.     

Training the perception of Hindi dental and retroflex stops by native speakers of American English and Japanese

Perception of second language speech sounds is influenced by one's first language. For example, speakers of American English have difficulty perceiving dental versus retroflex stop consonants in Hindi although English has both dental and retroflex allophones of alveolar stops. Japanese, unlike English, has a contrast similar to Hindi, specifically, the Japanese /d/ versus the flapped /r/ which is sometimes produced as a retroflex. This study compared American and Japanese speakers' identification of the Hindi contrast in CV syllable contexts where C varied in voicing and aspiration. The study then evaluated the participants' increase in identifying the distinction after training with a computer-interactive program. Training sessions progressively increased in difficulty by decreasing the extent of vowel truncation in stimuli and by adding new speakers. Although all participants improved significantly, Japanese participants were more accurate than Americans in distinguishing the contrast on pretest, during training, and on posttest. Transfer was observed to three new consonantal contexts, a new vowel context, and a new speaker's productions. Some abstract aspect of the contrast was apparently learned during training. It is suggested that allophonic experience with dental and retroflex stops may be detrimental to perception of the new contrast.     

Factors affecting degree of perceived foreign accent in English sentences

This study used interval scaling to assess degree of perceived foreign accent in English sentences spoken by native and non-native talkers. Native English listeners gave significantly higher (i.e., more authentic) pronunciation scores to native speakers of English than to Chinese adults who began learning English at an average age of 7.6 years. The results for the "child learners" suggest that a sensitive period for speech learning is reached long before the age of 12 years, as commonly supposed. Adults who had lived in the U.S. for 5 years did not receive higher scores than those who had lived there for only 1 year, suggesting that amount of unaided second-language (L2) experience does not affect adults' L2 pronunciation beyond an initial rapid stage of learning. Native speakers of Chinese who rated the sentences for foreign accent showed the same pattern of between-group differences as the native English listeners. The more experienced of two groups of Chinese listeners differentiated native and non-native talkers to a significantly greater extent than a less experienced group, even though the subjects in both groups spoke English with equally strong foreign accents. This suggests that tacit knowledge of how L2 sentences "ought" to sound increases more rapidly than the ability to produce those sentences.     

The perception of phonemic contrasts in a non-native dialect

This study examined the impact on speech processing of regional phonetic/phonological variation in the listener's native language. The perception of the /e/-/epsilon/ and /o/-/upside down c/ contrasts, produced by standard but not southern French native speakers, was investigated in these two populations. A repetition priming experiment showed that the latter but not the former perceived words such as /epe/ and /epepsilon/ as homophones. In contrast, both groups perceived the two words of /o/-/upside down c/ minimal pairs (/pom/-/p(uspide down c)m/) as being distinct. Thus, standard-French words can be perceived differently depending on the listener's regional accent.