Acoustic correlates of the front/back vowel distinction: a comparison of transition onset versus "steady state"

This study investigated whether F2 and F3 transition onsets could encode the vowel place feature as well as F2 and F3 "steady-state" measures [Syrdal and Gopal, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 79, 1086-1100 (1986)]. Multiple comparisons were made using (a) scatterplots in multidimensional space, (b) critical band differences, and (c) linear discriminant functional analyses. Four adult male speakers produced /b/(v)/t/, /d/(v)/t/, and /g/(v)/t/ tokens with medial vowel contexts /i,I, E, ey, ae, a, v, c, o, u/. Each token was repeated in a random order five times, yielding a total of 150 tokens per subject. Formant measurements were taken at four loci: F2 onset, F2 vowel, F3 onset, and F3 vowel. Onset points coincided with the first glottal pulse following the release burst and steady-state measures were taken approximately 60-70 ms post-onset. Graphic analyses revealed two distinct, minimally overlapping subsets grouped by front versus back. This dichotomous grouping was also seen in two-dimensional displays using only "onset" data as coordinates. Conversion to a critical band (bark) scale confirmed that front vowels were characterized by F3-F2 bark differences within a critical 3-bark distance, while back vowels exceeded the 3-bark critical distance. Using the critical distance metric onset values categorized front vowels as well as steady-state measures, but showed a 20% error rate for back vowels. Front vowels had less variability than back vowels. Statistical separability was quantified with linear discriminant function analysis. Percent correct classification into vowel place groups was 87.5% using F2 and F3 onsets as input variables, and 95.7% using F2 and F3 vowel. Acoustic correlates of the vowel place feature are already present at second and third formant transition onsets.     

Method for the location of burst-onset spectra in the auditory-perceptual space: a study of place of articulation in voiceless stop consonants

A method for distinguishing burst onsets of voiceless stop consonants in terms of place of articulation is described. Four speakers produced the voiceless stops in word-initial position in six vowel contexts. A metric was devised to extract the characteristic burst-friction components at burst onset. The burst-friction components, derived from the metric as sensory formants, were then transformed into log frequency ratios and plotted as points in an auditory-perceptual space (APS). In the APS, each place of articulation was seen to be associated with a distinct region, or target zone. The metric was then applied to a test set of words with voiceless stops preceding ten different vowel contexts as produced by eight new speakers. The present method of analyzing voiceless stops in English enabled us to distinguish place of articulation in these new stimuli with 70% accuracy.     

Relating acoustic properties to perceptual responses: a study of Swedish voiced stops

Perception models based on different kinds of acoustic data were compared with respect to their capacity to predict perceptual confusions between the Swedish stops [b,d,d,g] in systematically varied vowel contexts. Fragments of VC:V utterances read by a male speaker were presented to listeners. The resulting confusions were especially numerous between short stimulus segments following stop release, and formed a regular pattern depending mainly on the acute/grave dimension of the following vowel. The acoustic distances calculated were based on: (1) filter band spectra; (2) F2 and F3 at the CV boundary and in the middle of the following vowel; (3) the duration of the burst (= transient + noise section). Both the spectrum-based and the formant-based models provided measures of acoustic distance (dissimilarity) that revealed regular patterns. However, the predictive capacity of both models was improved by including the time-varying properties of the stimuli in the distance measures. The highest correlation between predicted and observed percent confusions, r = 0.85, was obtained with the formant-based model in combination with burst length data. The asymmetries in the listeners' confusions were also shown to be predictable, given acoustic data on the following vowel.     

Fundamental frequency correlates of stop consonant voicing and vowel quality in the speech of preadolescent children

Fundamental frequency (F0) and voice onset time (VOT) were measured in utterances containing voiceless aspirated [ph, th, kh], voiceless unaspirated [sp, st, sk], and voiced [b, d, g] stop consonants produced in the context of [i, e, u, o, a] by 8- to 9-year-old subjects. The results revealed that VOT reliably differentiated voiceless aspirated from voiceless unaspirated and voiced stops, whereas F0 significantly contrasted voiced with voiceless aspirated and unaspirated stops, except for the first glottal period, where voiceless unaspirated stops contrasted with the other two categories. Fundamental frequency consistently differentiated vowel height in alveolar and velar stop consonant environments only. In comparing the results of these children and of adults, it was observed that the acoustic correlates of stop consonant voicing and vowel quality were different not only in absolute values, but also in terms of variability. Further analyses suggested that children were more variable in production due to inconsistency in achieving specific targets. The findings also suggest that, of the acoustic correlates of the voicing feature, the primary distinction of VOT is strongly developed by 8-9 years of age, whereas the secondary distinction of F0 is still in an emerging state.     

Acoustic analyses and perceptual data on anticipatory labial coarticulation in adults and children

The present study investigated anticipatory labial coarticulation in the speech of adults and children. CV syllables, composed of [s], [t], and [d] before [i] and [u], were produced by four adult speakers and eight child speakers aged 3-7 years. Each stimulus was computer edited to include only the aperiodic portion of fricative-vowel and stop-vowel syllables. LPC spectra were then computed for each excised segment. Analyses of the effect of the following vowel on the spectral peak associated with the second formant frequency and on the characteristic spectral prominence for each consonant were performed. Perceptual data were obtained by presenting the aperiodic consonantal segments to subjects who were instructed to identify the following vowel as [i] or [u]. Both the acoustic and the perceptual data show strong coarticulatory effects for the adults and comparable, although less consistent, coarticulation in the speech stimuli of the children. The results are discussed in terms of the articulatory and perceptual aspects of coarticulation in language learning.     

Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.     

Acoustic variability within and across German, French, and American English vowels: phonetic context effects

Cross-language perception studies report influences of speech style and consonantal context on perceived similarity and discrimination of non-native vowels by inexperienced and experienced listeners. Detailed acoustic comparisons of distributions of vowels produced by native speakers of North German (NG), Parisian French (PF) and New York English (AE) in citation (di)syllables and in sentences (surrounded by labial and alveolar stops) are reported here. Results of within- and cross-language discriminant analyses reveal striking dissimilarities across languages in the spectral/temporal variation of coarticulated vowels. As expected, vocalic duration was most important in differentiating NG vowels; it did not contribute to PF vowel classification. Spectrally, NG long vowels showed little coarticulatory change, but back/low short vowels were fronted/raised in alveolar context. PF vowels showed greater coarticulatory effects overall; back and front rounded vowels were fronted, low and mid-low vowels were raised in both sentence contexts. AE mid to high back vowels were extremely fronted in alveolar contexts, with little change in mid-low and low long vowels. Cross-language discriminant analyses revealed varying patterns of spectral (dis)similarity across speech styles and consonantal contexts that could, in part, account for AE listeners' perception of German and French front rounded vowels, and "similar" mid-high to mid-low vowels.     

Static, dynamic, and relational properties in vowel perception

The present work reviews theories and empirical findings, including results from two new experiments, that bear on the perception of English vowels, with an emphasis on the comparison of data analytic "machine recognition" approaches with results from speech perception experiments. Two major sources of variability (viz., speaker differences and consonantal context effects) are addressed from the classical perspective of overlap between vowel categories in F1 x F2 space. Various approaches to the reduction of this overlap are evaluated. Two types of speaker normalization are considered. "Intrinsic" methods based on relationships among the steady-state properties (F0, F1, F2, and F3) within individual vowel tokens are contrasted with "extrinsic" methods, involving the relationships among the formant frequencies of the entire vowel system of a single speaker. Evidence from a new experiment supports Ainsworth's (1975) conclusion [W. Ainsworth, Auditory Analysis and Perception of Speech (Academic, London, 1975)] that both types of information have a role to play in perception. The effects of consonantal context on formant overlap are also considered. A new experiment is presented that extends Lindblom and Studdert-Kennedy's finding [B. Lindblom and M. Studdert-Kennedy, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 43, 840-843 (1967)] of perceptual effects of consonantal context on vowel perception to /dVd/ and /bVb/ contexts. Finally, the role of vowel-inherent dynamic properties, including duration and diphthongization, is briefly reviewed. All of the above factors are shown to have reliable influences on vowel perception, although the relative weight of such effects and the circumstances that alter these weights remain far from clear. It is suggested that the design of more complex perceptual experiments, together with the development of quantitative pattern recognition models of human vowel perception, will be necessary to resolve these issues.     

A comparison of intergestural patterns in deaf and hearing adult speakers: implications from an acoustic analysis of disyllables.

Coarticulation studies in speech of deaf individuals have so far focused on intrasyllabic patterning of various consonant-vowel sequences. In this study, both inter- and intrasyllabic patterning were examined in disyllables /symbol see text #CVC/ and the effects of phonetic context, speaking rate, and segment type were explored. Systematic observation of F2 and durational measurements in disyllables minimally contrasting in vocalic ([i], [u,][a]) and in consonant ([b], [d]) context, respectively, was made at selected locations in the disyllable, in order to relate inferences about articulatory adjustments with their temporal coordinates. Results indicated that intervocalic coarticulation across hearing and deaf speakers varied as a function of the phonetic composition of disyllables (b_b or d_d). The deaf speakers showed reduced intervocalic coarticulation for bilabial but not for alveolar disyllables compared to the hearing speakers. Furthermore, they showed less marked consonant influences on the schwa and stressed vowel of disyllables compared to the hearing controls. Rate effects were minimal and did not alter the coarticulatory patterns observed across hearing status. The above findings modify the conclusions drawn from previous studies and suggest that the speech of deaf and hearing speakers is guided by different gestural organization.     

Production of the word-final English /t/-/d/ contrast by native speakers of English, Mandarin, and Spanish.

The primary aim of this study was to determine if adults whose native language permits neither voiced nor voiceless stops to occur in word-final position can master the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Native English-speaking listeners identified the voicing feature in word-final stops produced by talkers in five groups: native speakers of English, experienced and inexperienced native Spanish speakers of English, and experienced and inexperienced native Mandarin speakers of English. Contrary to hypothesis, the experienced second language (L2) learners' stops were not identified significantly better than stops produced by the inexperienced L2 learners; and their stops were correctly identified significantly less often than stops produced by the native English speakers. Acoustic analyses revealed that the native English speakers made vowels significantly longer before /d/ than /t/, produced /t/-final words with a higher F1 offset frequency than /d/-final words, produced more closure voicing in /d/ than /t/, and sustained closure longer for /t/ than /d/. The L2 learners produced the same kinds of acoustic differences between /t/ and /d/, but theirs were usually of significantly smaller magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that only a few of the 40 L2 learners examined in the present study had mastered the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Several possible explanations for this negative finding are presented. Multiple regression analyses revealed that the native English listeners made perceptual use of the small, albeit significant, vowel duration differences produced in minimal pairs by the nonnative speakers. A significantly stronger correlation existed between vowel duration differences and the listeners' identifications of final stops in minimal pairs when the perceptual judgments were obtained in an "edited" condition (where post-vocalic cues were removed) than in a "full cue" condition. This suggested that listeners may modify their identification of stops based on the availability of acoustic cues.     

A study of jaw coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for Catalan consonants and vowels

The goal of this study is to investigate coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for the jaw in Catalan consonants and vowels and, more specifically, for the alveolopalatal nasal //[symbol see text]/ and for dark /l/ for which there is little or no data on jaw position and coarticulation. Jaw movement data for symmetrical vowel-consonant-vowel sequences with the consonants /p, n, l, s, ∫, [ symbol see text], k/ and the vowels /i, a, u/ were recorded by three Catalan speakers with a midsagittal magnetometer. Data reveal that jaw height is greater for /s, ∫/ than for /p, [see text]/, which is greater than for /n, l, k/ during the consonant, and for /i, u/ than for /a/ during the vowel. Differences in coarticulatory variability among consonants and vowels are inversely related to differences in jaw height, i.e., fricatives and high vowels are most resistant, and /n, l, k/ and the low vowel are least resistant. Moreover, coarticulation resistant phonetic segments exert more prominent effects and, thus, are more aggressive than segments specified for a lower degree of coarticulatory resistance. Data are discussed in the light of the degree of articulatory constraint model of coarticulation.     

Context-specific acoustic differences between Peruvian and Iberian Spanish vowels

This paper examines four acoustic properties (duration F0, F1, and F2) of the monophthongal vowels of Iberian Spanish (IS) from Madrid and Peruvian Spanish (PS) from Lima in various consonantal contexts (/s/, /f/, /t/, /p/, and /k/) and in various phrasal contexts (in isolated words and sentence-internally). Acoustic measurements on 39 speakers, balanced by dialect and gender, can be generalized to the following differences between the two dialects. The vowel /a/ has a lower first formant in PS than in IS by 6.3%. The vowels /e/ and /o/ have more peripheral second-formant (F2) values in PS than in IS by about 4%. The consonant /s/ causes more centralization of the F2 of neighboring vowels in IS than in PS. No dialectal differences are found for the effect of phrasal context. Next to the between-dialect differences in the vowels, the present study finds that /s/ has a higher spectral center of gravity in PS than in IS by about 10%, that PS speakers speak slower than IS speakers by about 9%, and that Spanish-speaking women speak slower than Spanish-speaking men by about 5% (irrespective of dialect).     

Compensation strategies for the perturbation of French [u] using a lip tube. II. Perceptual analysis.

A perceptual analysis of the French vowel [u] produced by 10 speakers under normal and perturbed conditions (Savariaux et al., 1995) is presented which aims at characterizing in the perceptual domain the task of a speaker for this vowel, and, then, at understanding the strategies developed by the speakers to deal with the lip perturbation. Identification and rating tests showed that the French [u] is perceptually fairly well described in the [F1, (F2-F0)] plane, and that the parameter (((F2-F0) + F1)/2) (all frequencies in bark) provides a good overall correlate of the "grave" feature classically used to describe the vowel [u] in all languages. This permitted reanalysis of the behavior of the speakers during the perturbation experiment. Three of them succeed in producing a good [u] in spite of the lip tube, thanks to a combination of limited changes on F1 and (F2-F0), but without producing the strong backward movement of the tongue, which would be necessary to keep the [F1,F2] pattern close to the one measured in normal speech. The only speaker who strongly moved his tongue back and maintained F1 and F2 at low values did not produce a perceptually well-rated [u], but additional tests demonstrate that this gesture allowed him to preserve the most important phonetic features of the French [u], which is primarily a back and rounded vowel. It is concluded that speech production is clearly guided by perceptual requirements, and that the speakers have a good representation of them, even if they are not all able to meet them in perturbed conditions.     

Spectral and duration properties of front vowels as cues to final stop-consonant voicing

The perception of voicing in final velar stop consonants was investigated by systematically varying vowel duration, change in offset frequency of the final first formant (F1) transition, and rate of frequency change in the final F1 transition for several vowel contexts. Consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) continua were synthesized for each of three vowels, [i,I,ae], which represent a range of relatively low to relatively high-F1 steady-state values. Subjects responded to the stimuli under both an open- and closed-response condition. Results of the study show that both vowel duration and F1 offset properties influence perception of final consonant voicing, with the salience of the F1 offset property higher for vowels with high-F1 steady-state frequencies than low-F1 steady-state frequencies, and the opposite occurring for the vowel duration property. When F1 onset and offset frequencies were controlled, rate of the F1 transition change had inconsistent and minimal effects on perception of final consonant voicing. Thus the findings suggest that it is the termination value of the F1 offset transition rather than rate and/or duration of frequency change, which cues voicing in final velar stop consonants during the transition period preceding closure.     

Effects of prosodic boundary on /aC/ sequences: acoustic results

This study presents various acoustic measures used to examine the sequence /a # C/, where "#" represents different prosodic boundaries in French. The 6 consonants studied are /b d g f s S/ (3 stops and 3 fricatives). The prosodic units investigated are the utterance, the intonational phrase, the accentual phrase, and the word. It is found that vowel target values, formant transitions into the stop consonant, and the rate of change in spectral tilt into the fricative, are affected by the strength of the prosodic boundary. F1 becomes higher for /a/ the stronger the prosodic boundary, with the exception of one speaker's utterance data, which show the effects of articulatory declension at the utterance level. Various effects of the stop consonant context are observed, the most notable being a tendency for the vowel /a/ to be displaced in the direction of the F2 consonant "locus" for /d/ (the F2 consonant values for which remain relatively stable across prosodic boundaries) and for /g/ (the F2 consonant values for which are displaced in the direction of the velar locus in weaker prosodic boundaries, together with those of the vowel). Velocity of formant transition may be affected by prosodic boundary (with greater velocity at weaker boundaries), though results are not consistent across speakers. There is also a tendency for the rate of change in spectral tilt moving from the vowel to the fricative to be affected by the presence of a prosodic boundary, with a greater rate of change at the weaker prosodic boundaries. It is suggested that spectral cues, in addition to duration, amplitude, and F0 cues, may alert listeners to the presence of a prosodic boundary.     

Effects of stimulation techniques on vocal responses: Implications for assessment and treatment

During voice evaluation and treatment it is customary for clinicians to elicit samples of the vowel /a/ from clients using various elicitation techniques. The purpose of this study was to compare the effects of four commonly used stimulation tasks on the laryngeal mechanism. Eleven female singing students, studying at a university music school, served as subjects for the study. The subjects phonated the vowel /a/ using 4 vocal stimulation techniques: yawn-sigh, gentle onset, focus, and the use of the voiceless fricative. Videoendoscopic and acoustic evaluations of their productions were done. Results show that, in the first 100 ms following the end of the formant transition, these techniques affected voice differently. The fundamental frequency was found to be highest in the yawn-sigh condition, whereas the maximum frequency perturbation was obtained for the voiceless fricative condition. Planned comparisons were made by comparing the data across 2 dimensions: (1) vowels elicited with voiced contexts versus those elicited with voiceless consonantal contexts and (2) vowels elicited with obstruent versus vowels elicited with nonobstruent consonantal contexts. Some changes in acoustic parameters brought about by these stimulation techniques may be explained on the basis of coarticulatory effects of the consonantal context.     

Coarticulatory influences on the perceived height of nasal vowels

Certain of the complex spectral effects of vowel nasalization bear a resemblance to the effects of modifying the tongue or jaw position with which the vowel is produced. Perceptual evidence suggests that listener misperceptions of nasal vowel height arise as a result of this resemblance. Whereas previous studies examined isolated nasal vowels, this research focused on the role of phonetic context in shaping listeners' judgments of nasal vowel height. Identification data obtained from native American English speakers indicated that nasal coupling does not necessarily lead to listener misperceptions of vowel quality when the vowel's nasality is coarticulatory in nature. The perceived height of contextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVnd] environment) did not differ from that of oral vowels (in a [bVd] environment) produced with the same tongue-jaw configuration. In contrast, corresponding noncontextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVd] environment) were perceived as lower in quality than vowels in the other two conditions. Presumably the listeners' lack of experience with distinctive vowel nasalization prompted them to resolve the spectral effects of noncontextual nasalization in terms of tongue or jaw height, rather than velic height. The implications of these findings with respect to sound changes affecting nasal vowel height are also discussed.     

Perceptual cues to the onset of voiced excitation in aspirated initial stops

Previous experiments on the perception of initial stops differing in voice-onset time have used sounds where the boundary between aspiration and voicing is clearly marked by a variety of acoustic events. In natural speech these events do not always occur at the same moment and there is disagreement among phoneticians as to which mark the onset of voicing. The three experiments described here examine how the phoneme boundary between syllable-initial, prestress /b/ and /p/ is influenced by the way in which voicing starts. In the first experiment the first 30 ms of buzz excitation is played at four different levels relative to the steady state of the vowel and with two different frequency distributions: In the F1-only conditions buzz is confined to the first formant, whereas in the F123 conditions all three formants are excited by buzz. The results reject the hypothesis that voicing is perceived to start when periodic excitation is present in the first formant. The results of the third experiment show also that buzz excitation confined to the fundamental frequency for 30 ms before the onset of full voicing (formant excitation) has little effect on the voicing boundary. The second experiment varies aspiration noise intensity and buzz onset intensity independently. Together with the first experiment it shows that: (1) at all buzz onset levels a change in aspiration intensity moves the boundary by about the 0.43 ms/dB found by Repp [Lang. Speech 27, 173-189 (1979)]; (2) when buzz onsets at levels greater than - 15 dB relative to the final vowel level, changes in buzz onset level again move the /b/-/p/ boundary by the same amount; (3) when buzz onsets at levels less than - 15 dB relative to the vowel, decreasing the buzz onset level gives more /p/- percepts than Repp's ratio predicts. This last result, taken with the results of the first experiment, may reflect a decision based on overall intensity about when voicing has started.     

Influences of tongue biomechanics on speech movements during the production of velar stop consonants: a modeling study

This study explores the following hypothesis: forward looping movements of the tongue that are observed in VCV sequences are due partly to the anatomical arrangement of the tongue muscles, how they are used to produce a velar closure, and how the tongue interacts with the palate during consonantal closure. The study uses an anatomically based two-dimensional biomechanical tongue model. Tissue elastic properties are accounted for in finite-element modeling, and movement is controlled by constant-rate control parameter shifts. Tongue raising and lowering movements are produced by the model mainly with the combined actions of the genioglossus, styloglossus, and hyoglossus. Simulations of V1CV2 movements were made, where C is a velar consonant and V is [a], [i], or [u]. Both vowels and consonants are specified in terms of targets, but for the consonant the target is virtual, and cannot be reached because it is beyond the surface of the palate. If V1 is the vowel [a] or [u], the resulting trajectory describes a movement that begins to loop forward before consonant closure and continues to slide along the palate during the closure. This pattern is very stable when moderate changes are made to the specification of the target consonant location and agrees with data published in the literature. If V1 is the vowel [i], looping patterns are also observed, but their orientation was quite sensitive to small changes in the location of the consonant target. These findings also agree with patterns of variability observed in measurements from human speakers, but they contradict data published by Houde [Ph.D. dissertation (1967)]. These observations support the idea that the biomechanical properties of the tongue could be the main factor responsible for the forward loops when V1 is a back vowel, regardless of whether V2 is a back vowel or a front vowel. In the [i] context it seems that additional factors have to be taken into consideration in order to explain the observations made on some speakers.     

Vowel normalization for accent: an investigation of best exemplar locations in northern and southern British English sentences

Two experiments investigated whether listeners change their vowel categorization decisions to adjust to different accents of British English. Listeners from different regions of England gave goodness ratings on synthesized vowels embedded in natural carrier sentences that were spoken with either a northern or southern English accent. A computer minimization algorithm adjusted F1, F2, F3, and duration on successive trials according to listeners' goodness ratings, until the best exemplar of each vowel was found. The results demonstrated that most listeners adjusted their vowel categorization decisions based on the accent of the carrier sentence. The patterns of perceptual normalization were affected by individual differences in language background (e.g., whether the individuals grew up in the north or south of England), and were linked to the changes in production that speakers typically make due to sociolinguistic factors when living in multidialectal environments.