Effect of speaking rate on vowel formant movements

The purpose of this experiment was to study the effects of changes in speaking rate on both the attainment of acoustic vowel targets and the relative time and speed of movements toward these presumed targets. Four speakers produced a number of different CVC and CVCVC utterances at slow and fast speaking rates. Spectrographic measurements showed that the midpoint format frequencies of the different vowels did not vary as a function of rate. However, for fast speech the onset frequencies of second formant transitions were closer to their target frequencies while CV transition rates remained essentially unchanged, indicating that movement toward the vowel simply began earlier for fast speech. Changes in both speaking rate and lexical stress had different effects. For stressed vowels, an increase in speaking rate was accompanied primarily by a decrease in duration. However, destressed vowels, even if they were of the same duration as quickly produced stressed vowels, were reduced in overall amplitude, fundamental frequency, and to some extent, vowel color. These results suggest that speaking rate and lexical stress are controlled by two different mechanisms.     

The timing of articulatory gestures: evidence for relational invariants

In this article, we examine the effects of changing speaking rate and syllable stress on the space-time structure of articulatory gestures. Lip and jaw movements of four subjects were monitored during production of selected bisyllabic utterances in which stress and rate were orthogonally varied. Analysis of the relative timing of articulatory movements revealed that the time of onset of gestures specific to consonant articulation was tightly linked to the timing of gestures specific to the flanking vowels. The observed temporal stability was independent of large variations in displacement, duration, and velocity of individual gestures. The kinematic results are in close agreement with our previously reported EMG findings [B. Tuller et al., J. Exp. Psychol. 8, 460-472 (1982)] and together provide evidence for relational invariants in articulation.     

Effects of stress and final-consonant voicing on vowel production: articulatory and acoustic analyses

Durations of the vocalic portions of speech are influenced by a large number of linguistic and nonlinguistic factors (e.g., stress and speaking rate). However, each factor affecting vowel duration may influence articulation in a unique manner. The present study examined the effects of stress and final-consonant voicing on the detailed structure of articulatory and acoustic patterns in consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) utterances. Jaw movement trajectories and F 1 trajectories were examined for a corpus of utterances differing in stress and final-consonant voicing. Jaw lowering and raising gestures were more rapid, longer in duration, and spatially more extensive for stressed versus unstressed utterances. At the acoustic level, stressed utterances showed more rapid initial F 1 transitions and more extreme F 1 steady-state frequencies than unstressed utterances. In contrast to the results obtained in the analysis of stress, decreases in vowel duration due to devoicing did not result in a reduction in the velocity or spatial extent of the articulatory gestures. Similarly, at the acoustic level, the reductions in formant transition slopes and steady-state frequencies demonstrated by the shorter, unstressed utterances did not occur for the shorter, voiceless utterances. The results demonstrate that stress-related and voicing-related changes in vowel duration are accomplished by separate and distinct changes in speech production with observable consequences at both the articulatory and acoustic levels.     

Formant movements of Dutch vowels in a text, read at normal and fast rate.

Speaking rate in general, and vowel duration more specifically, is thought to affect the dynamic structure of vowel formant tracks. To test this, a single, professional speaker read a long text at two different speaking rates, fast and normal. The present project investigated the extent to which the first and second formant tracks of eight Dutch vowels varied under the two different speaking rate conditions. A total of 549 pairs of vowel realizations from various contexts were selected for analysis. The formant track shape was assessed on a point-by-point basis, using 16 samples at the same relative positions in the vowels. Differences in speech rate only resulted in a uniform change in F1 frequency. Within each speaking rate, there was only evidence of a weak leveling off of the F1 tracks of the open vowels /a a/ with shorter durations. When considering sentence stress or vowel realizations from a more uniform, alveolar-vowel-alveolar context, these same conclusions were reached. These results indicate a much more active adaptation to speaking rate than implied by the target undershoot model.     

Perceptual invariance of coarticulated vowels over variations in speaking rate

This study examined the perception and acoustics of a large corpus of vowels spoken in consonant-vowel-consonant syllables produced in citation-form (lists) and spoken in sentences at normal and rapid rates by a female adult. Listeners correctly categorized the speaking rate of sentence materials as normal or rapid (2% errors) but did not accurately classify the speaking rate of the syllables when they were excised from the sentences (25% errors). In contrast, listeners accurately identified the vowels produced in sentences spoken at both rates when presented the sentences and when presented the excised syllables blocked by speaking rate or randomized. Acoustical analysis showed that formant frequencies at syllable midpoint for vowels in sentence materials showed "target undershoot" relative to citation-form values, but little change over speech rate. Syllable durations varied systematically with vowel identity, speaking rate, and voicing of final consonant. Vowel-inherent-spectral-change was invariant in direction of change over rate and context for most vowels. The temporal location of maximum F1 frequency further differentiated spectrally adjacent lax and tense vowels. It was concluded that listeners were able to utilize these rate- and context-independent dynamic spectrotemporal parameters to identify coarticulated vowels, even when sentential information about speaking rate was not available.     

Effect of speaking rate and contrastive stress on formant dynamics and vowel perception

Vowel formants play an important role in speech theories and applications; however, the same formant values measured for the steady-state part of a vowel can correspond to different vowel categories. Experimental evidence indicates that dynamic information can also contribute to vowel characterization. Hence, dynamically modeling formant transitions may lead to quantitatively testable predictions in vowel categorization. Because the articulatory strategy used to manage different speaking rates and contrastive stress may depend on speaker and situation, the parameter values of a dynamic formant model may vary with speaking rate and stress. In most experiments speaking rate is rarely controlled, only two or three rates are tested, and most corpora contain just a few repetitions of each item. As a consequence, the dependence of dynamic models on those factors is difficult to gauge. This article presents a study of 2300 [iai] or [i epsilon i] stimuli produced by two speakers at nine or ten speaking rates in a carrier sentence for two contrastive stress patterns. The corpus was perceptually evaluated by naive listeners. Formant frequencies were measured during the steady-state parts of the stimuli, and the formant transitions were dynamically and kinematically modeled. The results indicate that (1) the corpus was characterized by a contextual assimilation instead of a centralization effect; (2) dynamic or kinematic modeling was equivalent as far as the analysis of the model parameters was concerned; (3) the dependence of the model parameter estimates on speaking rate and stress suggests that the formant transitions were sharper for high speaking rate, but no consistent trend was found for contrastive stress; (4) the formant frequencies measured in the steady-state parts of the vowels were sufficient to explain the perceptual results while the dynamic parameters of the models were not.     

Effects of rate and bite block manipulations on kinematic characteristics of children's speech

The purpose of the present study was to investigate kinematic characteristics of the speech of children and adults under three speaking conditions. The effects of requiring subjects to produce speech stimuli were studied as they spoke: in a normal manner; at a faster than normal rate; and while holding a bite block between their molars to restrict mandibular movement. Using a strain gauge monitoring system, superior-inferior lip and jaw movement data were collected from 24 subjects--six in each of three groups of normally developing children and an adult control group. For the normal condition, it was found that net peak velocity (i.e., the sum of the peak velocities of the individual articulators) was quite comparable among the three groups of children and the adults. Net peak velocity increased significantly for all four groups of subjects when they spoke at a fast rate, but it did not increase significantly in the bite block condition. For most measures, there were typically no differences in peak velocity across the various speaking conditions when comparing the three groups of children to one another. In general, articulatory displacement data showed patterns quite similar to those of the peak velocity data. In addition to the displacement and peak velocity data, pilot data are discussed concerning temporal properties of articulatory phases and also concerning maximum, nonspeech articulatory gestures.     

Acoustic and perceptual effects of changes in vocal tract constrictions for vowels.

The purpose of this study was to use vocal tract simulation and synthesis as means to determine the acoustic and perceptual effects of changing both the cross-sectional area and location of vocal tract constrictions for six different vowels: Area functions at and near vocal tract constrictions are considered critical to the acoustic output and are also the central point of hypotheses concerning speech targets. Area functions for the six vowels, [symbol: see text] were perturbed by changing the cross-sectional area of the constriction (Ac) and the location of the constriction (Xc). Perturbations for Ac were performed for different values of Xc, producing several series of acoustic continua for the different vowels. Acoustic simulations for the different area functions were made using a frequency domain model of the vocal tract. Each simulated vowel was then synthesized as a 1-s duration steady-state segment. The phoneme boundaries of the perturbed synthesized vowels were determined by formal perception tests. Results of the perturbation analyses showed that formants for each of the vowels were more sensitive to changes in constriction cross-sectional area than changes in constriction location. Vowel perception, however, was highly resistant to both types of changes. Results are discussed in terms of articulatory precision and constriction-related speech production strategies.     

Effects of speaking rate on tongue position and velocity of movement in vowel production

This study used glossometry to examine the position of the tongue and the velocity of its movements in vowels spoken normally and at a self-selected fast rate. The subject in experiment 1 showed lingual undershoot for stressed vowels in "a big again" and "a bob again." The tongue was lower for /I/ and higher for /a/ at the fast rate than at the normal rate. The stressed vowels exerted an affect on unstressed vowels: The tongue was lower in the schwas that preceded and followed /a/ than /I/. Only one of the three subjects in experiment 2 showed no lingual undershoot for fast-rate /I/. The tongue was higher at the fast rate than at the normal rate in the schwas flanking /I/ so that the displacement was less at the fast rate than at the normal rate. Another talker increased the peak velocity of tongue movements at the fast rate and showed no undershoot for /a/. Multiple regression analyses showed that the timing of movements for successive phonetic segments accounted well for undershoot in only one of the three subjects. The results suggest that in order to model the effects of speaking rate on the tongue movements used in forming stressed vowels, it will be necessary to take into account: (1) how much vowels are shortened at a fast rate: (2) how much the peak velocity of tongue movements is increased, if at all; and (3) the position of the tongue before and after the stressed vowels. All three factors are likely to be influenced by how clearly the talker wishes to speak.     

Articulatory dynamics of loud and normal speech

A comparison was made between normal and loud productions of bilabial stops and stressed vowels. Simultaneous recordings of lip and jaw movement and the accompanying audio signal were made for four native speakers of Swedish. The stimuli consisted of 12 Swedish vowels appearing in an /i'b_b/ frame and were produced with both normal and increased vocal effort. The displacement, velocity, and relative timing associated with the individual articulators as well as their coarticulatory interactions were studied together with changes in acoustic segmental duration. It is shown that the production of loud as compared with normal speech is characterized by amplification of normal movement patterns that are predictable for the above articulatory parameters. In addition, it was observed that the acoustic durations of bilabial stops were shortened, whereas stressed vowels were lengthened during loud speech production. Two interpretations of the data are offered, viewing loud articulatory behavior as a response to production demands and perceptual constraints, respectively.     

Relation between voice-onset time and vowel duration.

As part of an investigation of the temporal implementation rules of English, measurements were made of voice-onset time for initial English stops and the duration of the following voiced vowel in monosyllabic words for New York City speakers. It was found that the VOT of a word-initial consonant was longer before a voiceless final cluster than before a single nasal, and longer before tense vowels than lax vowels. The vowels were also longer in environments where VOT was longer, but VOT did not maintain a constant ratio with the vowel duration, even for a single place of articulation. VOT was changed by a smaller proportion than the following voiced vowel in both cases. VOT changes associated with the vowel were consistent across place of articulation of the stop. In the final experiment, when vowel tensity and final consonant effects were combined, it was found that the proportion of vowel duration change that carried over to the preceding VOT is different for the two phonetic changes. These results imply that temporal implementation rules simultaneously influence several acoustic intervals including both VOT and the "inherent" interval corresponding to a segment, either by independent control of the relevant articulatory variables or by some unknown common mechanism.     

A qualitative dynamic analysis of reiterant speech production: phase portraits, kinematics, and dynamic modeling

The departure point of the present paper is our effort to characterize and understand the spatiotemporal structure of articulatory patterns in speech. To do so, we removed segmental variation as much as possible while retaining the spoken act's stress and prosodic structure. Subjects produced two sentences from the "rainbow passage" using reiterant speech in which normal syllables were replaced by /ba/ or /ma/. This task was performed at two self-selected rates, conversational and fast. Infrared LEDs were placed on the jaw and lips and monitored using a modified SELSPOT optical tracking system. As expected, when pauses marking major syntactic boundaries were removed, a high degree of rhythmicity within rate was observed, characterized by well-defined periodicities and small coefficients of variation. When articulatory gestures were examined geometrically on the phase plane, the trajectories revealed a scaling relation between a gesture's peak velocity and displacement. Further quantitative analysis of articulator movement as a function of stress and speaking rate was indicative of a language-modulated dynamical system with linear stiffness and equilibrium (or rest) position as key control parameters. Preliminary modeling was consonant with this dynamical perspective which, importantly, does not require that time per se be a controlled variable.     

Adaptive computation of articulatory parameters from the speech signal

An unconstrained optimization technique is used to find the values of parameters, of a combination of an articulatory and a vocal tract model, that minimize the difference between model spectra and natural speech spectra. The articulatory model is anatomically realistic and the vocal tract model is a "lossy" Webster equation for which a method of solution is given. For English vowels in the steady state, anatomically reasonable articulatory configurations whose corresponding spectra match those of human speech to within 2 dB have been computed in fewer than ten iterations. Results are also given which demonstrate a limited ability of the system to track the articulatory dynamics of voiced speech.     

Managing the distinctiveness of phonemic nasal vowels: articulatory evidence from Hindi

There is increasing evidence that fine articulatory adjustments are made by speakers to reinforce and sometimes counteract the acoustic consequences of nasality. However, it is difficult to attribute the acoustic changes in nasal vowel spectra to either oral cavity configuration or to velopharyngeal opening (VPO). This paper takes the position that it is possible to disambiguate the effects of VPO and oropharyngeal configuration on the acoustic output of the vocal tract by studying the position and movement of the tongue and lips during the production of oral and nasal vowels. This paper uses simultaneously collected articulatory, acoustic, and nasal airflow data during the production of all oral and phonemically nasal vowels in Hindi (four speakers) to understand the consequences of the movements of oral articulators on the spectra of nasal vowels. For Hindi nasal vowels, the tongue body is generally lowered for back vowels, fronted for low vowels, and raised for front vowels (with respect to their oral congeners). These movements are generally supported by accompanying changes in the vowel spectra. In Hindi, the lowering of back nasal vowels may have originally served to enhance the acoustic salience of nasality, but has since engendered a nasal vowel chain shift.     

An examination of intra-articulator relative timing

The relative timing of consonant and vowel related movements of the tongue dorsum across variations in stress patterns was examined in two subjects using a computerized pulsed ultrasound system. The patterns observed were similar to those reported by Tuller et al. [J. Exp. Psychol. H.P.P. 8, 460-472 (1982)] for interarticulator timing. Correlations between the duration of a "period," defined as the interval between the onsets of movements associated with adjacent vowels, and the "latency," defined as the interval between the beginning of the period and the point in the period at which movement associated with the intervocalic consonant begins, were positive and reliable. The source of this correlation pattern was examined and found not to be due to a scaling of an invariant phase relation but rather due to a main effect for stress on the vowel-to-vowel articulatory period combined with an artifactual part-whole correlation within each stress level.     

Variability in production of the vowels /i/ and /a/

A hypothesis on the nature of articulatory targets for the vowels /i/ and /a/ is proposed, based on acoustic considerations and vowel articulations. The conjecture is that positioning of points on the tongue surface in a repetition experiment should be most accurate in the direction perpendicular to the vocal-tract midline, at the acoustically critical point of maximal constriction for each vowel. The hypothesis was tested by: examining x-ray microbeam data for three speakers, conducting a partial acoustical analysis, and performing a modeling study. Distributions were plotted of the midsagittal locations of three tongue points at the time of maximal excursion toward the vowel target for numbers of examples of the vowels, embedded in a variety of phonetic contexts. More variation was found along a direction parallel to the vocal tract midline than perpendicular to the midline, supporting the hypothesis. Statistics on formant values for one subject have been calculated, and pairwise regressions of displacement and formant data have been run. An articulatory synthesizer [Rubin et al., J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 70, 321-328 (1981)] has been manipulated through displacements similar to the subject's articulatory variation. Although articulatory synthesis showed systematic relationships between articulatory relationships and formant frequencies, there were no significant correlations between the subject's measured articulatory displacements and his formant data. These additional results raise questions about the methodology and point to the need for additional work for an adequate test of the hypothesis.     

Different phase-stable relationships of the upper lip and jaw for production of vowels and diphthongs.

Relational invariants have been reported in the timing of articulatory gestures across suprasegmental changes, such as rate and stress. In the current study, the relative timing of the upper lip and jaw was investigated across changes in both suprasegmental and segmental characteristics of speech. The onset of upper lip movement relative to the vowel-to-vowel jaw cycle during intervocalic bilabial production was represented as a phase angle, and analyzed across changes in stress, vowel height, and vowel/diphthong identity. Results indicated that the relative timing of the upper lip and jaw varied systematically with changes in stress and vowel/diphthong identity, while remaining constant across changes in vowel height. It appears that modifications in relative timing may be due to adjustments in the jaw cycle as a result of the compound nature of jaw movement for diphthongs as compared to vowels, with further modifications due to the effect of stress on these compound movements.     

Evolving theories of vowel perception

Research on the perception of vowels in the last several years has given rise to new conceptions of vowels as articulatory, acoustic, and perceptual events. Starting from a "simple" target model in which vowels were characterized articulatorily as static vocal tract shapes and acoustically as points in a first and second formant (F1/F2) vowel space, this paper briefly traces the evolution of vowel theory in the 1970s and 1980s in two directions. (1) Elaborated target models represent vowels as target zones in perceptual spaces whose dimensions are specified as formant ratios. These models have been developed primarily to account for perceivers' solution of the "speaker normalization" problem. (2) Dynamic specification models emphasize the importance of formant trajectory patterns in specifying vowel identity. These models deal primarily with the problem of "target undershoot" associated with the coarticulation of vowels with consonants in natural speech and with the issue of "vowel-inherent spectral change" or diphthongization of English vowels. Perceptual studies are summarized that motivate these theoretical developments.     

Dependence of jaw opening on pitch and vowel in singers

In singing, F₀ sometimes is much higher than the typical frequency value of F₁. According to previous investigations, sopranos raise F₁ to a frequency near F₀ by widening the jaw opening in such cases. In the present study, the jaw opening was measured in 10 professional singers of different categorizations whose task was to sing an ascending two-octave scale on different vowels. Their normal F₁ values for these vowels were determined at a low F₀. Only for the vowels /a/ and /a/ did the singers widen the jaw opening when F₀ approached the F₁ value measured at a low pitch. For the other vowels, jaw opening was widened, beginning at a higher F₀. It is assumed that for these vowels the singers used other articulatory means to increase F₁.     

Time course of speech changes in response to unanticipated short-term changes in hearing state

The timing of changes in parameters of speech production was investigated in six cochlear implant users by switching their implant microphones off and on a number of times in a single experimental session. The subjects repeated four short, two-word utterances, /dV1n#SV2d/ (S = /s/ or /S/), in quasi-random order. The changes between hearing and nonhearing states were introduced by a voice-activated switch at V1 onset. "Postural" measures were made of vowel sound pressure level (SPL), duration, F0; contrast measures were made of vowel separation (distance between pair members in the formant plane) and sibilant separation (difference in spectral means). Changes in parameter values were averaged over multiple utterances, lined up with respect to the switch. No matter whether prosthetic hearing was blocked or restored, contrast measures for vowels and sibilants did not change systematically. Some changes in duration, SPL and F0 were observed during the vowel within which hearing state was changed, V1, as well as during V2 and subsequent utterance repetitions. Thus, sound segment contrasts appear to be controlled differently from the postural parameters of speaking rate and average SPL and F0. These findings are interpreted in terms of the function of hypothesized feedback and feedforward mechanisms for speech motor control.