Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.     

Training English listeners to perceive phonemic length contrasts in Japanese

The present study investigated the extent to which native English listeners' perception of Japanese length contrasts can be modified with perceptual training, and how their performance is affected by factors that influence segment duration, which is a primary correlate of Japanese length contrasts. Listeners were trained in a minimal-pair identification paradigm with feedback, using isolated words contrasting in vowel length, produced at a normal speaking rate. Experiment 1 tested listeners using stimuli varying in speaking rate, presentation context (in isolation versus embedded in carrier sentences), and type of length contrast. Experiment 2 examined whether performance varied by the position of the contrast within the word, and by whether the test talkers were professionally trained or not. Results did not show that trained listeners improved overall performance to a greater extent than untrained control participants. Training improved perception of trained contrast types, generalized to nonprofessional talkers' productions, and improved performance in difficult within-word positions. However, training did not enable listeners to cope with speaking rate variation, and did not generalize to untrained contrast types. These results suggest that perceptual training improves non-native listeners' perception of Japanese length contrasts only to a limited extent.     

Acoustic and perceptual similarity of Japanese and American English vowels

Acoustic and perceptual similarities between Japanese and American English (AE) vowels were investigated in two studies. In study 1, a series of discriminant analyses were performed to determine acoustic similarities between Japanese and AE vowels, each spoken by four native male speakers using F1, F2, and vocalic duration as input parameters. In study 2, the Japanese vowels were presented to native AE listeners in a perceptual assimilation task, in which the listeners categorized each Japanese vowel token as most similar to an AE category and rated its goodness as an exemplar of the chosen AE category. Results showed that the majority of AE listeners assimilated all Japanese vowels into long AE categories, apparently ignoring temporal differences between 1- and 2-mora Japanese vowels. In addition, not all perceptual assimilation patterns reflected context-specific spectral similarity patterns established by discriminant analysis. It was hypothesized that this incongruity between acoustic and perceptual similarity may be due to differences in distributional characteristics of native and non-native vowel categories that affect the listeners' perceptual judgments.     

Native dialect matters: perceptual assimilation of Dutch vowels by Czech listeners

Naive listeners' perceptual assimilations of non-native vowels to first-language (L1) categories can predict difficulties in the acquisition of second-language vowel systems. This study demonstrates that listeners having two slightly different dialects as their L1s can differ in the perception of foreign vowels. Specifically, the study shows that Bohemian Czech and Moravian Czech listeners assimilate Dutch high front vowels differently to L1 categories. Consequently, the listeners are predicted to follow different paths in acquiring these Dutch vowels. These findings underscore the importance of carefully considering the specific dialect background of participants in foreign- and second-language speech perception studies.     

Acoustic variability within and across German, French, and American English vowels: phonetic context effects

Cross-language perception studies report influences of speech style and consonantal context on perceived similarity and discrimination of non-native vowels by inexperienced and experienced listeners. Detailed acoustic comparisons of distributions of vowels produced by native speakers of North German (NG), Parisian French (PF) and New York English (AE) in citation (di)syllables and in sentences (surrounded by labial and alveolar stops) are reported here. Results of within- and cross-language discriminant analyses reveal striking dissimilarities across languages in the spectral/temporal variation of coarticulated vowels. As expected, vocalic duration was most important in differentiating NG vowels; it did not contribute to PF vowel classification. Spectrally, NG long vowels showed little coarticulatory change, but back/low short vowels were fronted/raised in alveolar context. PF vowels showed greater coarticulatory effects overall; back and front rounded vowels were fronted, low and mid-low vowels were raised in both sentence contexts. AE mid to high back vowels were extremely fronted in alveolar contexts, with little change in mid-low and low long vowels. Cross-language discriminant analyses revealed varying patterns of spectral (dis)similarity across speech styles and consonantal contexts that could, in part, account for AE listeners' perception of German and French front rounded vowels, and "similar" mid-high to mid-low vowels.     

Native dialect influences second-language vowel perception: Peruvian versus Iberian Spanish learners of Dutch

Peruvian Spanish (PS) and Iberian Spanish (IS) learners were tested on their ability to categorically discriminate and identify Dutch vowels. It was predicted that the acoustic differences between the vowel productions of the two dialects, which compare differently to Dutch vowels, would manifest in differential L2 perception for listeners of these two dialects. The results show that although PS learners had higher general L2 proficiency, IS learners were more accurate at discriminating all five contrasts and at identifying six of the L2 Dutch vowels. These findings confirm that acoustic differences in native vowel production lead to differential L2 vowel perception.     

Across-talker effects on non-native listeners' vowel perception in noise

This study explored how across-talker differences influence non-native vowel perception. American English (AE) and Korean listeners were presented with recordings of 10 AE vowels in /bVd/ context. The stimuli were mixed with noise and presented for identification in a 10-alternative forced-choice task. The two listener groups heard recordings of the vowels produced by 10 talkers at three signal-to-noise ratios. Overall the AE listeners identified the vowels 22% more accurately than the Korean listeners. There was a wide range of identification accuracy scores across talkers for both AE and Korean listeners. At each signal-to-noise ratio, the across-talker intelligibility scores were highly correlated for AE and Korean listeners. Acoustic analysis was conducted for 2 vowel pairs that exhibited variable accuracy across talkers for Korean listeners but high identification accuracy for AE listeners. Results demonstrated that Korean listeners' error patterns for these four vowels were strongly influenced by variability in vowel production that was within the normal range for AE talkers. These results suggest that non-native listeners are strongly influenced by across-talker variability perhaps because of the difficulty they have forming native-like vowel categories.     

Perception of familiar contrasts in unfamiliar positions

This paper investigates the perception of non-native phoneme contrasts which exist in the native language, but not in the position tested. Like English, Dutch contrasts voiced and voiceless obstruents. Unlike English, Dutch allows only voiceless obstruents in word-final position. Dutch and English listeners' accuracy on English final voicing contrasts and their use of preceding vowel duration as a voicing cue were tested. The phonetic structure of Dutch should provide the necessary experience for a native-like use of this cue. Experiment 1 showed that Dutch listeners categorized English final /z/-/s/, /v/-/f/, /b/-/p/, and /d/-/t/ contrasts in nonwords as accurately as initial contrasts, and as accurately as English listeners did, even when release bursts were removed. In experiment 2, English listeners used vowel duration as a cue for one final contrast, although it was uninformative and sometimes mismatched other voicing characteristics, whereas Dutch listeners did not. Although it should be relatively easy for them, Dutch listeners did not use vowel duration. Nevertheless, they attained native-like accuracy, and sometimes even outperformed the native listeners who were liable to be misled by uninformative vowel duration information. Thus, native-like use of cues for non-native but familiar contrasts in unfamiliar positions may hardly ever be attained.     

Acoustic and perceptual similarity of North German and American English vowels

Current theories of cross-language speech perception claim that patterns of perceptual assimilation of non-native segments to native categories predict relative difficulties in learning to perceive (and produce) non-native phones. Cross-language spectral similarity of North German (NG) and American English (AE) vowels produced in isolated hVC(a) (di)syllables (study 1) and in hVC syllables embedded in a short sentence (study 2) was determined by discriminant analyses, to examine the extent to which acoustic similarity was predictive of perceptual similarity patterns. The perceptual assimilation of NG vowels to native AE vowel categories by AE listeners with no German language experience was then assessed directly. Both studies showed that acoustic similarity of AE and NG vowels did not always predict perceptual similarity, especially for "new" NG front rounded vowels and for "similar" NG front and back mid and mid-low vowels. Both acoustic and perceptual similarity of NG and AE vowels varied as a function of the prosodic context, although vowel duration differences did not affect perceptual assimilation patterns. When duration and spectral similarity were in conflict, AE listeners assimilated vowels on the basis of spectral similarity in both prosodic contexts.     

Vowel normalization for accent: an investigation of best exemplar locations in northern and southern British English sentences

Two experiments investigated whether listeners change their vowel categorization decisions to adjust to different accents of British English. Listeners from different regions of England gave goodness ratings on synthesized vowels embedded in natural carrier sentences that were spoken with either a northern or southern English accent. A computer minimization algorithm adjusted F1, F2, F3, and duration on successive trials according to listeners' goodness ratings, until the best exemplar of each vowel was found. The results demonstrated that most listeners adjusted their vowel categorization decisions based on the accent of the carrier sentence. The patterns of perceptual normalization were affected by individual differences in language background (e.g., whether the individuals grew up in the north or south of England), and were linked to the changes in production that speakers typically make due to sociolinguistic factors when living in multidialectal environments.     

Spanish listeners' perception of American and Southern British English vowels

L2 studies demonstrate that learners differ in their speech perception patterns. Recent explanations attribute this variation to the different initial stages with which learners start their L2 development. Spanish listeners' categorization of Standard Southern British English and American English vowels is compared. The results show that, on the basis of steady-state F1 and F2 values, listeners classify the vowels of these two English varieties differently. This finding suggests that the dialect to which learners are exposed determines their initial stage for L2 perception and the tasks they need to perform to successfully acquire a new sound system.     

Vowel formant discrimination II: Effects of stimulus uncertainty, consonantal context, and training.

This study is one in a series that has examined factors contributing to vowel perception in everyday listening. Four experimental variables have been manipulated to examine systematical differences between optimal laboratory testing conditions and those characterizing everyday listening. These include length of phonetic context, level of stimulus uncertainty, linguistic meaning, and amount of subject training. The present study investigated the effects of stimulus uncertainty from minimal to high uncertainty in two phonetic contexts, /V/ or /bVd/, when listeners had either little or extensive training. Thresholds for discriminating a small change in a formant for synthetic female vowels /I,E,ae,a,inverted v,o/ were obtained using adaptive tracking procedures. Experiment I optimized extensive training for five listeners by beginning under minimal uncertainty (only one formant tested per block) and then increasing uncertainty from 8-to-16-to-22 formants per block. Effects of higher uncertainty were less than expected; performance only decreased by about 30%. Thresholds for CVCs were 25% poorer than for isolated vowels. A previous study using similar stimuli [Kewley-Port and Zheng. J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 106, 2945-2958 (1999)] determined that the ability to discriminate formants was degraded by longer phonetic context. A comparison of those results with the present ones indicates that longer phonetic context degrades formant frequency discrimination more than higher levels of stimulus uncertainty. In experiment 2, performance in the 22-formant condition was tracked over 1 h for 37 typical listeners without formal laboratory training. Performance for typical listeners was initially about 230% worse than for trained listeners. Individual listeners' performance ranged widely with some listeners occasionally achieving performance similar to that of the trained listeners in just one hour.     

The effects of cross-generational and cross-dialectal variation on vowel identification and classification

Cross-generational and cross-dialectal variation in vowels among speakers of American English was examined in terms of vowel identification by listeners and vowel classification using pattern recognition. Listeners from Western North Carolina and Southeastern Wisconsin identified 12 vowel categories produced by 120 speakers stratified by age (old adults, young adults, and children), gender, and dialect. The vowels /?, o, ?, u/ were well identified by both groups of listeners. The majority of confusions were for the front /i, ?, e, ?, ?/, the low back /ɑ, ?/ and the monophthongal North Carolina /a?/. For selected vowels, generational differences in acoustic vowel characteristics were perceptually salient, suggesting listeners' responsiveness to sound change. Female exemplars and native-dialect variants produced higher identification rates. Linear discriminant analyses which examined dialect and generational classification accuracy showed that sampling the formant pattern at vowel midpoint only is insufficient to separate the vowels. Two sample points near onset and offset provided enough information for successful classification. The models trained on one dialect classified the vowels from the other dialect with much lower accuracy. The results strongly support the importance of dynamic information in accurate classification of cross-generational and cross-dialectal variations.     

Effects of consonantal context on perceptual assimilation of American English vowels by Japanese listeners

This study investigated the extent to which adult Japanese listeners' perceived phonetic similarity of American English (AE) and Japanese (J) vowels varied with consonantal context. Four AE speakers produced multiple instances of the 11 AE vowels in six syllabic contexts /b-b, b-p, d-d, d-t, g-g, g-k/ embedded in a short carrier sentence. Twenty-four native speakers of Japanese were asked to categorize each vowel utterance as most similar to one of 18 Japanese categories [five one-mora vowels, five two-mora vowels, plus/ei, ou/ and one-mora and two-mora vowels in palatalized consonant CV syllables, C(j)a(a), C(j)u(u), C(j)o(o)]. They then rated the "category goodness" of the AE vowel to the selected Japanese category on a seven-point scale. None of the 11 AE vowels was assimilated unanimously to a single J response category in all context/speaker conditions; consistency in selecting a single response category ranged from 77% for /eI/ to only 32% for /ae/. Median ratings of category goodness for modal response categories were somewhat restricted overall, ranging from 5 to 3. Results indicated that temporal assimilation patterns (judged similarity to one-mora versus two-mora Japanese categories) differed as a function of the voicing of the final consonant, especially for the AE vowels, /see text/. Patterns of spectral assimilation (judged similarity to the five J vowel qualities) of /see text/ also varied systematically with consonantal context and speakers. On the basis of these results, it was predicted that relative difficulty in the identification and discrimination of AE vowels by Japanese speakers would vary significantly as a function of the contexts in which they were produced and presented.     

Integration of monaural and binaural evidence of vowel formants

The intelligibility of speech is sustained at lower signal-to-noise ratios when the speech has a different interaural configuration from the noise. This paper argues that the advantage arises in part because listeners combine evidence of the spectrum of speech in the across-frequency profile of interaural decorrelation with evidence in the across-frequency profile of intensity. To support the argument, three experiments examined the ability of listeners to integrate and segregate evidence of vowel formants in these two profiles. In experiment 1, listeners achieved accurate identification of the members of a small set of vowels whose first formant was defined by a peak in one profile and whose second formant was defined by a peak in the other profile. This result demonstrates that integration is possible. Experiment 2 demonstrated that integration is not mandatory, insofar as listeners could report the identity of a vowel defined entirely in one profile despite the presence of a competing vowel in the other profile. The presence of the competing vowel reduced accuracy of identification, however, showing that segregation was incomplete. Experiment 3 demonstrated that segregation of the binaural vowel, in particular, can be increased by the introduction of an onset asynchrony between the competing vowels. The results of experiments 2 and 3 show that the intrinsic cues for segregation of the profiles are relatively weak. Overall, the results are compatible with the argument that listeners can integrate evidence of spectral peaks from the two profiles.     

On the sufficiency of compound target specification of isolated vowels and vowels in /bVb/ syllables.

It has been suggested [e.g., Strange et al., J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 74, 695-705 (1983); Verbrugge and Rakerd, Language Speech 29, 39-57 (1986)] that the temporal margins of vowels in consonantal contexts, consisting mainly of the rapid CV and VC transitions of CVC's, contain dynamic cues to vowel identity that are not available in isolated vowels and that may be perceptually superior in some circumstances to cues which are inherent to the vowels proper. However, this study shows that vowel-inherent formant targets and cues to vowel-inherent spectral change (measured from nucleus to offglide sections of the vowel itself) persist in the margins of /bVb/ syllables, confirming a hypothesis of Nearey and Assmann [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 80, 1297-1308 (1986)]. Experiments were conducted to test whether listeners might be using such vowel-inherent, rather than coarticulatory information to identify the vowels. In the first experiment, perceptual tests using "hybrid silent center" syllables (i.e., syllables which contain only brief initial and final portions of the original syllable, and in which speaker identity changes from the initial to the final portion) show that listeners' error rates and confusion matrices for vowels in /bVb/ syllables are very similar to those for isolated vowels. These results suggest that listeners are using essentially the same type of information in essentially the same way to identify both kinds of stimuli. Statistical pattern recognition models confirm the relative robustness of nucleus and vocalic offglide cues and can predict reasonably well listeners' error patterns in all experimental conditions, though performance for /bVb/ syllables is somewhat worse than for isolated vowels. The second experiment involves the use of simplified synthetic stimuli, lacking consonantal transitions, which are shown to provide information that is nearly equivalent phonetically to that of the natural silent center /bVb/ syllables (from which the target measurements were extracted). Although no conclusions are drawn about other contexts, for speakers of Western Canadian English coarticulatory cues appear to play at best a minor role in the perception of vowels in /bVb/ context, while vowel-inherent factors dominate listeners' perception.     

Production of the word-final English /t/-/d/ contrast by native speakers of English, Mandarin, and Spanish.

The primary aim of this study was to determine if adults whose native language permits neither voiced nor voiceless stops to occur in word-final position can master the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Native English-speaking listeners identified the voicing feature in word-final stops produced by talkers in five groups: native speakers of English, experienced and inexperienced native Spanish speakers of English, and experienced and inexperienced native Mandarin speakers of English. Contrary to hypothesis, the experienced second language (L2) learners' stops were not identified significantly better than stops produced by the inexperienced L2 learners; and their stops were correctly identified significantly less often than stops produced by the native English speakers. Acoustic analyses revealed that the native English speakers made vowels significantly longer before /d/ than /t/, produced /t/-final words with a higher F1 offset frequency than /d/-final words, produced more closure voicing in /d/ than /t/, and sustained closure longer for /t/ than /d/. The L2 learners produced the same kinds of acoustic differences between /t/ and /d/, but theirs were usually of significantly smaller magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that only a few of the 40 L2 learners examined in the present study had mastered the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Several possible explanations for this negative finding are presented. Multiple regression analyses revealed that the native English listeners made perceptual use of the small, albeit significant, vowel duration differences produced in minimal pairs by the nonnative speakers. A significantly stronger correlation existed between vowel duration differences and the listeners' identifications of final stops in minimal pairs when the perceptual judgments were obtained in an "edited" condition (where post-vocalic cues were removed) than in a "full cue" condition. This suggested that listeners may modify their identification of stops based on the availability of acoustic cues.     

F1 structure provides information for final-consonant voicing

Previous research has shown that F1 offset frequencies are generally lower for vowels preceding voiced consonants than for vowels preceding voiceless consonants. Furthermore, it has been shown that listeners use these differences in offset frequency in making judgments about final-consonant voicing. A recent production study [W. Summers, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 82, 847-863 (1987)] reported that F1 frequency differences due to postvocalic voicing are not limited to the final transition or offset region of the preceding vowel. Vowels preceding voiced consonants showed lower F1 onset frequencies and lower F1 steady-state frequencies than vowels preceding voiceless consonants. The present study examined whether F1 frequency differences in the initial transition and steady-state regions of preceding vowels affect final-consonant voicing judgments in perception. The results suggest that F1 frequency differences in these early portions of preceding vowels do, in fact, influence listeners' judgments of postvocalic consonantal voicing.