Perception of intonation in Mandarin Chinese

There is a tendency across languages to use a rising pitch contour to convey question intonation and a falling pitch contour to convey a statement. In a lexical tone language such as Mandarin Chinese, rising and falling pitch contours are also used to differentiate lexical meaning. How, then, does the multiplexing of the F(0) channel affect the perception of question and statement intonation in a lexical tone language? This study investigated the effects of lexical tones and focus on the perception of intonation in Mandarin Chinese. The results show that lexical tones and focus impact the perception of sentence intonation. Question intonation was easier for native speakers to identify on a sentence with a final falling tone and more difficult to identify on a sentence with a final rising tone, suggesting that tone identification intervenes in the mapping of F(0) contours to intonational categories and that tone and intonation interact at the phonological level. In contrast, there is no evidence that the interaction between focus and intonation goes beyond the psychoacoustic level. The results provide insights that will be useful for further research on tone and intonation interactions in both acoustic modeling studies and neurobiological studies.     

韵律短语边界对降阶和焦点后音高骤降的影响

通过设计特定声调组合和语境的实验室语句,考察了韵律短语边界对语句中降阶和焦点后音高骤降的影响规律,以及降阶和焦点的作用域。结果发现,在由两个韵律短语组成的语句中,韵律短语边界会阻断前一短语中的降阶作用,降阶的作用域是韵律短语。焦点的实现与降阶不同:焦点后的正向音高降低作用会跨越韵律短语边界,使得后一韵律短语的高音线明显降低;如果后一韵律短语中有降阶,则焦点的跨边界音高降低作用会与降阶作用累积在一起,产生更低的高音线,说明焦点的作用域是语调短语。但当后一韵律短语也出现焦点时,音高重置阻断了前一短语中焦点的正向音高降低作用,此时两个焦点分别独立地实现。      

The effects of prosodic phrase boundary on the pitch lowering of downstep and focus

The effects of prosodic phrase(PP)boundary on the pitch lowering of downstep and focus,as well as the domains of them were investigated in Chinese Putonghua,by using designed sentences which consist of two prosodic phrases(i.e.,PP1,PP2).The results showed that:(1)The PP boundary blocked the downstep effect in the preceding phrase,indicating that PP is the domain of downstep.(2)The post-focus F_0 lowering effect in PP1 spread across the PP boundary and lower the FO contour of PP2.If there is a downstep effect in PP2,the postboundary compression effect of the prior focus will accumulate with the downstep,producing further lowered contour.Therefore,the domain of focus is an intonational phrase(IP).(3)When there is one contrastive focus in each phrase,the outstanding pitch reset elicited by the second focus will block the FO lowering effect of PP1 onto PP2,and the two foci are realized independently.     

不同语调条件下的声调音高实现

从调类个性、句中位置和重音级别3个层面的语音分析,考察普通话4个声调在不同语调条件下的音高实现。目标词被置于3种不同的焦点位置(即句重音最强的位置)和两种不同的非焦点位置(即非句重音位置)上,对目标词的调域以及目标声调的高音点和低音点进行了观察分析。实验结果表明,(1)在焦点条件以及非焦点条件下,阳平的音高位于调域的中低音区,去声低音点的理论调值尽管低于阳平低音点,但去声低音点在音高实现上往往接近阳平低音点甚至会高于阳平低音点;(2)焦点在句首位置表现为调域向上下两个方向扩展,在句末位置则表现为调域整体上抬,但不同声调的高音点并不都与调域上限同比例变化,不同声调低音点的变化也并不都与调域下限同比例变化;(3)重音后音节的音高对焦点音节的依赖关系受音步组合关系的制约,焦点和焦点后音节若在同一音步内,焦点后音节的音高与焦点音节的音高关系类似轻声音节与其前接非轻声音节的音高关系,焦点和焦点后音节之间如果存在音步边界,焦点后音节的音高表现出一定的独立性。这些结果说明了语句中声调音高实现的复杂性,一个具有较好预测性的汉语普通话语调模型的建立需要包括焦点结构、韵律结构、协同发音、调类个性等不同层面信息的诸多细节化规则。      

辨析声调的标度和归类方法——纪念赵元任先生标调理论发表100年

一个世纪前,赵元任先生发表了汉语声调标调理论,开创了汉语声调的定量研究,在国际上享有崇高的荣誉。新中国成立后,汉语语音学的研究蓬勃发展,汉语声调五度定调问题备受关注。20世纪20、30年代我国语言学家在美国的研究成果被介绍到国内。但不得不指出,在实际的调值计算中,没有准确遵循赵元任先生的理论,而是用简单的音高分段归类的方法代替“五度标调”。该文简要回顾20世纪20、30年代声调音高测量和数值化研究的历史,辨析汉语声调五度标调和归类的区别。并为赵元任先生的标调理论补充了计算公式,使标调理论得以准确实施。同时展望标调理论不仅在汉语的声调研究,而且在语调的研究中的应用远景。     

The influence of duration on the perception of pitch in single and simultaneous complex tones

The influence of duration on the virtual pitch of complex tones was measured using an absolute identification paradigm. If performance with two-tone complexes is expressed in terms of a single central frequency-coding noise function, this function is found to depend on duration in about the same way as the pure-tone difference limen function. The function is further found to be a reasonably good predictor of pitch identification performance with multitone complexes. Another experimental finding was that subjects tend to switch to the analytic mode of pitch perception when complex tones are shortened (i.e., they tend to hear the spectral pitches instead of the virtual ones). A third finding was that with simultaneous complex tones the degradation of each pitch percept depends not only on duration and harmonic order of the tone but also on the harmonic order of the other tone.     

Learning to perceive pitch differences

This paper reports two experiments concerning the stimulus specificity of pitch discrimination learning. In experiment 1, listeners were initially trained, during ten sessions (about 11,000 trials), to discriminate a monaural pure tone of 3000 Hz from ipsilateral pure tones with slightly different frequencies. The resulting perceptual learning (improvement in discrimination thresholds) appeared to be frequency-specific since, in subsequent sessions, new learning was observed when the 3000-Hz standard tone was replaced by a standard tone of 1200 Hz, or 6500 Hz. By contrast, a subsequent presentation of the initial tones to the contralateral ear showed that the initial learning was not, or was only weakly, ear-specific. In experiment 2, training in pitch discrimination was initially provided using complex tones that consisted of harmonics 3-7 of a missing fundamental (near 100 Hz for some listeners, 500 Hz for others). Subsequently, the standard complex was replaced by a standard pure tone with a frequency which could be either equal to the standard complex's missing fundamental or remote from it. In the former case, the two standard stimuli were matched in pitch. However, this perceptual relationship did not appear to favor the transfer of learning. Therefore, the results indicated that pitch discrimination learning is, at least to some extent, timbre-specific, and cannot be viewed as a reduction of an internal noise which would affect directly the output of a neural device extracting pitch from both pure tones and complex tones including low-rank harmonics.     

Testing a model of intonation in a tone language

Schematic fundamental frequency curves of simple statements and questions are generated for Hausa, a two-tone language of Nigeria, using a modified version of an intonational model developed by G?rding and Bruce [Nordic Prosody II, edited by T. Fretheim (Tapir, Trondheim, 1981), pp. 33-39]. In this model, rules for intonation and tones are separated. Intonation is represented as sloping grids of (near) parallel lines, inside which tones are placed. The tones are associated with turning points of the fundamental frequency contour. Local rules may also modify the exact placement of a tone within the grid. The continuous fundamental frequency contour is modeled by concatenating the tonal points using polynomial equations. Thus the final pitch contour is modeled as an interaction between global and local factors. The slope of the intonational grid lines depends at least on sentence type (statement or question), sentence length, and tone pattern. The model is tested by reference to data from nine speakers of Kano Hausa.     

Dead regions and pitch perception

The perception of pitch for pure tones with frequencies falling inside low- or high-frequency dead regions (DRs) was examined. Subjects adjusted a variable-frequency tone to match the pitch of a fixed tone. Matches within one ear were often erratic for tones falling in a DR, indicating unclear pitch percepts. Matches across ears of subjects with asymmetric hearing loss, and octave matches within ears, indicated that tones falling within a DR were perceived with an unclear pitch and/or a pitch different from "normal" whenever the tones fell more than 0.5 octave within a low- or high-frequency DR. One unilaterally impaired subject, with only a small surviving region between 3 and 4 kHz, matched a fixed 0.5-kHz tone in his impaired ear with, on average, a 3.75-kHz tone in his better ear. When asked to match the 0.5-kHz tone with an amplitude-modulated tone, he adjusted the carrier and modulation frequencies to about 3.8 and 0.5 kHz, respectively, suggesting that some temporal information was still available. Overall, the results indicate that the pitch of low-frequency tones is not conveyed solely by a temporal code. Possibly, there needs to be a correspondence between place and temporal information for a normal pitch to be perceived.     

Speaker-independent recognition of Chinese tones

This paper presents a reliable speaker-independent method of recog-nizing Chinese tones.An unbiased center-clipping autocorrelation algorithm ofpitch period extraction is proposed.A two-dimensional decision vector is usedfor recognizing Chinese tones by passing the pitch period sequence through theprocedures of data selection,error correction,data smoothing and curve fitting.The average correct rate of tone recognition for isolated Chinese syllables isover 98%.     

On the binding of successive sounds: perceiving shifts in nonperceived pitches

It is difficult to hear out individually the components of a "chord" of equal-amplitude pure tones with synchronous onsets and offsets. In the present study, this was confirmed using 300-ms random (inharmonic) chords with components at least 1/2 octave apart. Following each chord, after a variable silent delay, listeners were presented with a single pure tone which was either identical to one component of the chord or halfway in frequency between two components. These two types of sequence could not be reliably discriminated from each other. However, it was also found that if the single tone following the chord was instead slightly (e.g., 1/12 octave) lower or higher in frequency than one of its components, the same listeners were sensitive to this relation. They could perceive a pitch shift in the corresponding direction. Thus, it is possible to perceive a shift in a nonperceived frequency/pitch. This paradoxical phenomenon provides psychophysical evidence for the existence of automatic "frequency-shift detectors" in the human auditory system. The data reported here suggest that such detectors operate at an early stage of auditory scene analysis but can be activated by a pair of sounds separated by a few seconds.     

Evidence against an effect of grouping by spectral regularity on the perception of virtual pitch

Two experiments investigated the role of the regularity of the frequency spacing of harmonics, as a separate factor from harmonicity, on the perception of the virtual pitch of a harmonic series. The first experiment compared the shifts produced by mistuning the 3rd, 4th, and 5th harmonics in the pitch of two harmonic series: the odd-H and the all-H tones. The odd-H tone contained odd harmonics 1 to 11, plus the 4th harmonic; the all-H tone contained harmonics 1 to 12. Both tones had a fundamental frequency of 155 Hz. Pitch shifts produced by mistuning the 3rd harmonic, but not the 4th and 5th harmonics, were found to be significantly larger for the odd-H tone than for the all-H tone. This finding was consistent with the idea that grouping by spectral regularity affects pitch perception since an odd harmonic made a larger contribution than an adjacent even harmonic to the pitch of the odd-H tone. However, an alternative explanation was that the 3rd mistuned harmonic produced larger pitch shifts within the odd-H tone than the 4th mistuned harmonic because of differences in the partial masking of these harmonics by adjacent harmonics. The second experiment tested these explanations by measuring pitch shifts for a modified all-H tone in which each mistuned odd harmonic was tested in the presence of the 4th harmonic, but in the absence of its other even-numbered neighbor. The results showed that, for all mistuned harmonics, pitch shifts for the modified all-H tone were not significantly different from those for the odd-H tone. These findings suggest that the harmonic relations among frequency components, rather than the regularity of their frequency spacing, is the primary factor for the perception of the virtual pitch of complex sounds.     

Compensation for pitch-shifted auditory feedback during the production of Mandarin tone sequences

Recent research has found that while speaking, subjects react to perturbations in pitch of voice auditory feedback by changing their voice fundamental frequency (F0) to compensate for the perceived pitch-shift. The long response latencies (150-200 ms) suggest they may be too slow to assist in on-line control of the local pitch contour patterns associated with lexical tones on a syllable-to-syllable basis. In the present study, we introduced pitch-shifted auditory feedback to native speakers of Mandarin Chinese while they produced disyllabic sequences /ma ma/ with different tonal combinations at a natural speaking rate. Voice F0 response latencies (100-150 ms) to the pitch perturbations were shorter than syllable durations reported elsewhere. Response magnitudes increased from 50 cents during static tone to 85 cents during dynamic tone productions. Response latencies and peak times decreased in phrases involving a dynamic change in F0. The larger response magnitudes and shorter latency and peak times in tasks requiring accurate, dynamic control of F0, indicate this automatic system for regulation of voice F0 may be task-dependent. These findings suggest that auditory feedback may be used to help regulate voice F0 during production of bi-tonal Mandarin phrases.     

Accuracy of pitch matching for pure tones and for complex tones with overlapping or nonoverlapping harmonics.

The discrimination of the fundamental frequency (fo) of pairs of complex tones with no common harmonics is worse than the discrimination of fo for tones with all harmonics in common. These experiments were conducted to assess whether this effect is a result of pitch shifts between pairs of tones without common harmonics or whether it reflects influences of spectral differences (timbre) on the accuracy of pitch perception. In experiment 1, pitch matches were obtained between sounds drawn from the following types: (1) pure tones (P) with frequencies 100, 200, or 400 Hz; (2) a multiple-component complex tone, designated A, with harmonics 3, 4, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15, and fo = 100, 200, or 400 Hz; (3) A multiple-component complex tone, designated B, with harmonics 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 16, and with fo = 100, 200 or 400 Hz. The following matches were made; A vs A, B vs B, A vs P, B vs P and P vs P. Pitch shifts were found between the pure tones and the complex tones (A vs P and B vs P), but not between the A and B tones (A vs B). However, the variability of the A vs B matches was significantly greater than that of the A vs A or B vs B matches. Also, the variability of the A vs P and B vs P matches was greater than that for the A vs B matches. In a second experiment, frequency difference limens (DLCs) were measured for the A vs A, B vs B, and A vs B pairs of sounds. The DLCs were larger for the A vs B pair than for A vs A or B vs B. The results suggest that the poor frequency discrimination of tones with no common harmonics does not result from pitch shifts between the tones. Rather, it seems that spectral differences between tones interfere with judgements of their relative pitch.     

How we hear what is not there: a neural mechanism for the missing fundamental illusion

How the brain estimates the pitch of a complex sound remains unsolved. Complex sounds are composed of more than one tone. When two tones occur together, a third lower pitched tone is often heard. This is referred to as the "missing fundamental illusion" because the perceived pitch is a frequency (fundamental) for which there is no actual source vibration. This phenomenon exemplifies a larger variety of problems related to how pitch is extracted from complex tones, music and speech, and thus has been extensively used to test theories of pitch perception. A noisy nonlinear process is presented here as a candidate neural mechanism to explain the majority of reported phenomenology and provide specific quantitative predictions. The two basic premises of this model are as follows: (I) The individual tones composing the complex tones add linearly producing peaks of constructive interference whose amplitude is always insufficient to fire the neuron (II): The spike threshold is reached only with noise, which naturally selects the maximum constructive interferences. The spacing of these maxima, and consequently the spikes, occurs at a rate identical to the perceived pitch for the complex tone. Comparison with psychophysical and physiological data reveals a remarkable quantitative agreement not dependent on adjustable parameters. In addition, results from numerical simulations across different models are consistent, suggesting relevance to other sensory modalities.     

The speed of pitch resolution in a musical context.

In five experiments, we investigated the speed of pitch resolution in a musical context. In experiments 1-3, listeners were presented an incomplete scale (doh, re, mi, fa, sol, la, ti) and then a probe tone. Listeners were instructed to make a rapid key-press response to probe tones that were relatively proximal in pitch to the last note of the scale (valid trials), and to ignore other probe tones (invalid trials). Reaction times were slower if the pitch of the probe tone was dissonant with the expected pitch (i.e., the completion of the scale, or doh) or if the probe tone was nondiatonic to the key implied by the scale. In experiments 4 and 5, listeners were presented a two-octave incomplete arpeggio, and then a probe tone. In this case, listeners were asked to make a rapid key-press response to probe tones that were relatively distant in pitch from the last note of the arpeggio. Under these conditions, registral direction and pitch proximity were the dominant influences on reaction time. Results are discussed in view of research on auditory attention and models of musical pitch.     

Perception of musical and lexical tones by Taiwanese-speaking musicians

This study explored the relationship between music and speech by examining absolute pitch and lexical tone perception. Taiwanese-speaking musicians were asked to identify musical tones without a reference pitch and multispeaker Taiwanese level tones without acoustic cues typically present for speaker normalization. The results showed that a high percentage of the participants (65% with an exact match required and 81% with one-semitone errors allowed) possessed absolute pitch, as measured by the musical tone identification task. A negative correlation was found between occurrence of absolute pitch and age of onset of musical training, suggesting that the acquisition of absolute pitch resembles the acquisition of speech. The participants were able to identify multispeaker Taiwanese level tones with above-chance accuracy, even though the acoustic cues typically present for speaker normalization were not available in the stimuli. No correlations were found between the performance in musical tone identification and the performance in Taiwanese tone identification. Potential reasons for the lack of association between the two tasks are discussed.     

The effect of amplitude envelope on the pitch of sine wave tones

Psychophysical experiments show that the pitch of a short sine wave tone depends upon the amplitude envelope of the tone. Subjects find that the pitch of an exponentially decaying tone (1dB/ms) is higher than the pitch of a (20-ms) rectangularly gated tone of equal frequency. The percentage difference in frequency required to produce equal pitches with the two envelopes depends upon frequency fo: 2.6% at fo = 412 Hz, 1.4% at fo = 825 Hz, 1% at fo = 1650 Hz, and 0.7% at fo = 3300 Hz. The pitch change is insensitive to the relative intensities of the two tones. The spectra of tones with the two different envelopes suggest no obvious explanation for the pitch change. However, the weighted time-varying spectra for tones with two different envelopes evolve differently with time. Alternatively the pitch change can be derived from a modified version of the auditory phase theory of Huggins.     

The function of Shp2 tyrosine phosphatase in the dispersal of acetylcholine receptor clusters

Background

Tone languages such as Thai and Mandarin Chinese use differences in fundamental frequency (F₀, pitch) to distinguish lexical meaning. Previous behavioral studies have shown that native speakers of a non-tone language have difficulty discriminating among tone contrasts and are sensitive to different F₀ dimensions than speakers of a tone language. The aim of the present ERP study was to investigate the effect of language background and training on the non-attentive processing of lexical tones. EEG was recorded from 12 adult native speakers of Mandarin Chinese, 12 native speakers of American English, and 11 Thai speakers while they were watching a movie and were presented with multiple tokens of low-falling, mid-level and high-rising Thai lexical tones. High-rising or low-falling tokens were presented as deviants among mid-level standard tokens, and vice versa. EEG data and data from a behavioral discrimination task were collected before and after a two-day perceptual categorization training task.

Results

Behavioral discrimination improved after training in both the Chinese and the English groups. Low-falling tone deviants versus standards elicited a mismatch negativity (MMN) in all language groups. Before, but not after training, the English speakers showed a larger MMN compared to the Chinese, even though English speakers performed worst in the behavioral tasks. The MMN was followed by a late negativity, which became smaller with improved discrimination. The High-rising deviants versus standards elicited a late negativity, which was left-lateralized only in the English and Chinese groups.

Conclusion

Results showed that native speakers of English, Chinese and Thai recruited largely similar mechanisms when non-attentively processing Thai lexical tones. However, native Thai speakers differed from the Chinese and English speakers with respect to the processing of late F₀ contour differences (high-rising versus mid-level tones). In addition, native speakers of a non-tone language (English) were initially more sensitive to F₀ onset differences (low-falling versus mid-level contrast), which was suppressed as a result of training. This result converges with results from previous behavioral studies and supports the view that attentive as well as non-attentive processing of F₀ contrasts is affected by language background, but is malleable even in adult learners.     

Virtual pitch integration for asynchronous harmonics

This experiment examined the generation of virtual pitch for harmonically related tones that do not overlap in time. The interval between successive tones was systematically varied in order to gauge the integration period for virtual pitch. A pitch discrimination task was employed, and both harmonic and nonharmonic tone series were tested. The results confirmed that a virtual pitch can be generated by a series of brief, harmonically related tones that are separated in time. Robust virtual pitch information can be derived for intervals between successive 40-ms tones of up to about 45 ms, consistent with a minimum estimate of integration period of about 210 ms. Beyond intertone intervals of 45 ms, performance becomes more variable and approaches an upper limit where discrimination of tone sequences can be undertaken on the basis of the individual frequency components. The individual differences observed in this experiment suggest that the ability to derive a salient virtual pitch varies across listeners.