Effects of consonantal context on perceptual assimilation of American English vowels by Japanese listeners

This study investigated the extent to which adult Japanese listeners' perceived phonetic similarity of American English (AE) and Japanese (J) vowels varied with consonantal context. Four AE speakers produced multiple instances of the 11 AE vowels in six syllabic contexts /b-b, b-p, d-d, d-t, g-g, g-k/ embedded in a short carrier sentence. Twenty-four native speakers of Japanese were asked to categorize each vowel utterance as most similar to one of 18 Japanese categories [five one-mora vowels, five two-mora vowels, plus/ei, ou/ and one-mora and two-mora vowels in palatalized consonant CV syllables, C(j)a(a), C(j)u(u), C(j)o(o)]. They then rated the "category goodness" of the AE vowel to the selected Japanese category on a seven-point scale. None of the 11 AE vowels was assimilated unanimously to a single J response category in all context/speaker conditions; consistency in selecting a single response category ranged from 77% for /eI/ to only 32% for /ae/. Median ratings of category goodness for modal response categories were somewhat restricted overall, ranging from 5 to 3. Results indicated that temporal assimilation patterns (judged similarity to one-mora versus two-mora Japanese categories) differed as a function of the voicing of the final consonant, especially for the AE vowels, /see text/. Patterns of spectral assimilation (judged similarity to the five J vowel qualities) of /see text/ also varied systematically with consonantal context and speakers. On the basis of these results, it was predicted that relative difficulty in the identification and discrimination of AE vowels by Japanese speakers would vary significantly as a function of the contexts in which they were produced and presented.     

Production of the word-final English /t/-/d/ contrast by native speakers of English, Mandarin, and Spanish.

The primary aim of this study was to determine if adults whose native language permits neither voiced nor voiceless stops to occur in word-final position can master the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Native English-speaking listeners identified the voicing feature in word-final stops produced by talkers in five groups: native speakers of English, experienced and inexperienced native Spanish speakers of English, and experienced and inexperienced native Mandarin speakers of English. Contrary to hypothesis, the experienced second language (L2) learners' stops were not identified significantly better than stops produced by the inexperienced L2 learners; and their stops were correctly identified significantly less often than stops produced by the native English speakers. Acoustic analyses revealed that the native English speakers made vowels significantly longer before /d/ than /t/, produced /t/-final words with a higher F1 offset frequency than /d/-final words, produced more closure voicing in /d/ than /t/, and sustained closure longer for /t/ than /d/. The L2 learners produced the same kinds of acoustic differences between /t/ and /d/, but theirs were usually of significantly smaller magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that only a few of the 40 L2 learners examined in the present study had mastered the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Several possible explanations for this negative finding are presented. Multiple regression analyses revealed that the native English listeners made perceptual use of the small, albeit significant, vowel duration differences produced in minimal pairs by the nonnative speakers. A significantly stronger correlation existed between vowel duration differences and the listeners' identifications of final stops in minimal pairs when the perceptual judgments were obtained in an "edited" condition (where post-vocalic cues were removed) than in a "full cue" condition. This suggested that listeners may modify their identification of stops based on the availability of acoustic cues.     

Method for the location of burst-onset spectra in the auditory-perceptual space: a study of place of articulation in voiceless stop consonants

A method for distinguishing burst onsets of voiceless stop consonants in terms of place of articulation is described. Four speakers produced the voiceless stops in word-initial position in six vowel contexts. A metric was devised to extract the characteristic burst-friction components at burst onset. The burst-friction components, derived from the metric as sensory formants, were then transformed into log frequency ratios and plotted as points in an auditory-perceptual space (APS). In the APS, each place of articulation was seen to be associated with a distinct region, or target zone. The metric was then applied to a test set of words with voiceless stops preceding ten different vowel contexts as produced by eight new speakers. The present method of analyzing voiceless stops in English enabled us to distinguish place of articulation in these new stimuli with 70% accuracy.     

Perception of coarticulatory nasalization by speakers of English and Thai: evidence for partial compensation

The conditions under which listeners do and do not compensate for coarticulatory vowel nasalization were examined through a series of experiments of listeners' perception of naturally produced American English oral and nasal vowels spliced into three contexts: oral (C_C), nasal (N_N), and isolation. Two perceptual paradigms, a rating task in which listeners judged the relative nasality of stimulus pairs and a 4IAX discrimination task in which listeners judged vowel similarity, were used with two listener groups, native English speakers and native Thai speakers. Thai and English speakers were chosen because their languages differ in the temporal extent of anticipatory vowel nasalization. Listeners' responses were highly context dependent. For both perceptual paradigms and both language groups, listeners were less accurate at judging vowels in nasal than in non-nasal (oral or isolation) contexts; nasal vowels in nasal contexts were the most difficult to judge. Response patterns were generally consistent with the hypothesis that, given an appropriate and detectable nasal consonant context, listeners compensate for contextual vowel nasalization and attribute the acoustic effects of the nasal context to their coarticulatory source. However, the results also indicated that listeners do not hear nasal vowels in nasal contexts as oral; listeners retained some sensitivity to vowel nasalization in all contexts, indicating partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization. Moreover, there were small but systematic differences between the native Thai- and native English-speaking groups. These differences are as expected if perceptual compensation is partial and the extent of compensation is linked to patterns of coarticulatory nasalization in the listeners' native language.     

Training Japanese listeners to identify English /r/ and /l/: a first report

Native speakers of Japanese learning English generally have difficulty differentiating the phonemes /r/ and /l/, even after years of experience with English. Previous research that attempted to train Japanese listeners to distinguish this contrast using synthetic stimuli reported little success, especially when transfer to natural tokens containing /r/ and /l/ was tested. In the present study, a different training procedure that emphasized variability among stimulus tokens was used. Japanese subjects were trained in a minimal pair identification paradigm using multiple natural exemplars contrasting /r/ and /l/ from a variety of phonetic environments as stimuli. A pretest-posttest design containing natural tokens was used to assess the effects of training. Results from six subjects showed that the new procedure was more robust than earlier training techniques. Small but reliable differences in performance were obtained between pretest and posttest scores. The results demonstrate the importance of stimulus variability and task-related factors in training nonnative speakers to perceive novel phonetic contrasts that are not distinctive in their native language.     

Temporal characteristics of nasalization in children and adult speakers of American English and Korean during production of three vowel contexts

The purpose of this study was to identify and compare the temporal characteristics of nasalization in relation to (1) languages, (2) vowel contexts, and (3) age groups. Two distinct acoustic energies from the mouth and nose were recorded during speech production (/pamap, pimip, pumup/) using two microphones to obtain the absolute and proportional measurements on the acoustic temporal characteristics of nasalization. Twenty-eight normal adults (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) and 28 normal children (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) participated in this study. In both languages, adults showed shorter duration of nasalization than children within all three vowel contexts. The high vowel context revealed longer duration of nasalization than the low vowel context in both languages. There was no significant difference of temporal characteristics of nasalization between American English and Korean. Nasalization showed different timing characteristics between children and adults across vowel contexts. The results are discussed in association with developmental coarticulation and the relationship between acoustic consequences of articulatory events and vowel height.     

Production of phonetic and phonological contrast by heritage speakers of Mandarin

This study tested the hypothesis that heritage speakers of a minority language, due to their childhood experience with two languages, would outperform late learners in producing contrast: language-internal phonological contrast, as well as cross-linguistic phonetic contrast between similar, yet acoustically distinct, categories of different languages. To this end, production of Mandarin and English by heritage speakers of Mandarin was compared to that of native Mandarin speakers and native American English-speaking late learners of Mandarin in three experiments. In experiment 1, back vowels in Mandarin and English were produced distinctly by all groups, but the greatest separation between similar vowels was achieved by heritage speakers. In experiment 2, Mandarin aspirated and English voiceless plosives were produced distinctly by native Mandarin speakers and heritage speakers, who both put more distance between them than late learners. In experiment 3, the Mandarin retroflex and English palato-alveolar fricatives were distinguished by more heritage speakers and late learners than native Mandarin speakers. Thus, overall the hypothesis was supported: across experiments, heritage speakers were found to be the most successful at simultaneously maintaining language-internal and cross-linguistic contrasts, a result that may stem from a close approximation of phonetic norms that occurs during early exposure to both languages.     

A cross-language study of compensation in response to real-time formant perturbation

Past studies have shown that when formants are perturbed in real time, speakers spontaneously compensate for the perturbation by changing their formant frequencies in the opposite direction to the perturbation. Further, the pattern of these results suggests that the processing of auditory feedback error operates at a purely acoustic level. This hypothesis was tested by comparing the response of three language groups to real-time formant perturbations, (1) native English speakers producing an English vowel /ε/, (2) native Japanese speakers producing a Japanese vowel (/e([inverted perpendicular])/), and (3) native Japanese speakers learning English, producing /ε/. All three groups showed similar production patterns when F1 was decreased; however, when F1 was increased, the Japanese groups did not compensate as much as the native English speakers. Due to this asymmetry, the hypothesis that the compensatory production for formant perturbation operates at a purely acoustic level was rejected. Rather, some level of phonological processing influences the feedback processing behavior.     

Differential use of temporal cues to the /s/-/z/ contrast by native and non-native speakers of English

This study examined the effect of linguistic experience on perception of the English /s/-/z/ contrast in word-final position. The durations of the periodic ("vowel") and aperiodic ("fricative") portions of stimuli, ranging from peas to peace, were varied in a 5 X 5 factorial design. Forced-choice identification judgments were elicited from two groups of native speakers of American English differing in dialect, and from two groups each of native speakers of French, Swedish, and Finnish differing in English-language experience. The results suggested that the non-native subjects used cues established for the perception of phonetic contrasts in their native language to identify fricatives as /s/ or /z/. Lengthening vowel duration increased /z/ judgments in all eight subject groups, although the effect was smaller for native speakers of French than for native speakers of the other languages. Shortening fricative duration, on the other hand, significantly decreased /z/ judgments only by the English and French subjects. It did not influence voicing judgments by the Swedish and Finnish subjects, even those who had lived for a year or more in an English-speaking environment. These findings raise the question of whether adults who learn a foreign language can acquire the ability to integrate multiple acoustic cues to a phonetic contrast which does not exist in their native language.     

The function of Shp2 tyrosine phosphatase in the dispersal of acetylcholine receptor clusters

Background

Tone languages such as Thai and Mandarin Chinese use differences in fundamental frequency (F₀, pitch) to distinguish lexical meaning. Previous behavioral studies have shown that native speakers of a non-tone language have difficulty discriminating among tone contrasts and are sensitive to different F₀ dimensions than speakers of a tone language. The aim of the present ERP study was to investigate the effect of language background and training on the non-attentive processing of lexical tones. EEG was recorded from 12 adult native speakers of Mandarin Chinese, 12 native speakers of American English, and 11 Thai speakers while they were watching a movie and were presented with multiple tokens of low-falling, mid-level and high-rising Thai lexical tones. High-rising or low-falling tokens were presented as deviants among mid-level standard tokens, and vice versa. EEG data and data from a behavioral discrimination task were collected before and after a two-day perceptual categorization training task.

Results

Behavioral discrimination improved after training in both the Chinese and the English groups. Low-falling tone deviants versus standards elicited a mismatch negativity (MMN) in all language groups. Before, but not after training, the English speakers showed a larger MMN compared to the Chinese, even though English speakers performed worst in the behavioral tasks. The MMN was followed by a late negativity, which became smaller with improved discrimination. The High-rising deviants versus standards elicited a late negativity, which was left-lateralized only in the English and Chinese groups.

Conclusion

Results showed that native speakers of English, Chinese and Thai recruited largely similar mechanisms when non-attentively processing Thai lexical tones. However, native Thai speakers differed from the Chinese and English speakers with respect to the processing of late F₀ contour differences (high-rising versus mid-level tones). In addition, native speakers of a non-tone language (English) were initially more sensitive to F₀ onset differences (low-falling versus mid-level contrast), which was suppressed as a result of training. This result converges with results from previous behavioral studies and supports the view that attentive as well as non-attentive processing of F₀ contrasts is affected by language background, but is malleable even in adult learners.     

Can macaques perceive place of articulation from formant transition information?

An important problem in speech perception is to determine how humans extract the perceptually invariant place of articulation information in the speech wave across variable acoustic contexts. Although analyses have been developed that attempted to classify the voiced stops /b/ versus /d/ from stimulus onset information, most of the human perceptual research to date suggests that formant transition information is more important than onset information. The purpose of the present study was to determine if animal subjects, specifically Japanese macaque monkeys, are capable of categorizing /b/ versus /d/ in synthesized consonant-vowel (CV) syllables using only formant transition information. Three monkeys were trained to differentiate CV syllables with a "go-left" versus a "go-right" label. All monkeys first learned to differentiate a /za/ versus /da/ manner contrast and easily transferred to three new vowel contexts /[symbol: see text], epsilon, I/. Next, two of the three monkeys learned to differentiate a /ba/ versus /da/ stop place contrast, but were unable to transfer it to the different vowel contexts. These results suggest that animals may not use the same mechanisms as humans do for classifying place contrasts, and call for further investigation of animal perception of formant transition information versus stimulus onset information in place contrasts.     

Multimodal Standardization of Voice Among Four Multicultural Populations Formant Structures

A stratified random sample of 20 males and 20 females matched for physiologic factors and cultural-linguistic markers was examined to determine differences in formant frequencies during prolongation of three vowels: [a], [i], and [u]. The ethnic and gender breakdown included four sets of 5 male and 5 female subjects comprised of Caucasian and African American speakers of Standard American English, native Hindi Indian speakers, and native Mandarin Chinese speakers. Acoustic measures were analyzed using the Computerized Speech Lab (4300B) from which formant histories were extracted from a 200-ms sample of each vowel token to obtain first formant (F1), second formant (F2), and third formant (F3) frequencies. Significant group differences for the main effect of culture and race were found. For the main effect gender, sexual dimorphism in vowel formants was evidenced for all cultures and races across all three vowels. The acoustic differences found are attributed to cultural-linguistic factors.     

Cross-linguistic studies of children's and adults' vowel spaces

This study examines cross-linguistic variation in the location of shared vowels in the vowel space across five languages (Cantonese, American English, Greek, Japanese, and Korean) and three age groups (2-year-olds, 5-year-olds, and adults). The vowels /a/, /i/, and /u/ were elicited in familiar words using a word repetition task. The productions of target words were recorded and transcribed by native speakers of each language. For correctly produced vowels, first and second formant frequencies were measured. In order to remove the effect of vocal tract size on these measurements, a normalization approach that calculates distance and angular displacement from the speaker centroid was adopted. Language-specific differences in the location of shared vowels in the formant values as well as the shape of the vowel spaces were observed for both adults and children.     

The effect of emphatic stress on consonant vowel coarticulation

This study assessed the acoustic coarticulatory effects of phrasal accent on [V1.CV2] sequences, when separately applied to V1 or V2, surrounding the voiced stops [b], [d], and [g]. Three adult speakers each produced 360 tokens (six V1 contexts x ten V2 contexts x three stops x two emphasis conditions). Realizing that anticipatory coarticulation of V2 onto the intervocalic C can be influenced by prosodic effects, as well as by vowel context effects, a modified locus equation regression metric was used to isolate the effect of phrasal accent on consonantal F2 onsets, independently of prosodically induced vowel expansion effects. The analyses revealed two main emphasis-dependent effects: systematic differences in F2 onset values and the expected expansion of vowel space. By accounting for the confounding variable of stress-induced vowel space expansion, a small but consistent coarticulatory effect of emphatic stress on the consonant was uncovered in lingually produced stops, but absent in labial stops. Formant calculations based on tube models indicated similarly increased F2 onsets when stressed /d/ and /g/ were simulated with deeper occlusions resulting from more forceful closure movements during phrasal accented speech.     

Multimodal Standardization of Voice Among Four Multicultural Populations: Fundamental Frequency and Spectral Characteristics

A stratified random sample of 20 males and 20 females matched for physiological factors and cultural-linguistic markers were examined to determine differences in fundamental frequency and spectral characteristics during prolongation of three vowels: [a], [i], and [u]. The ethnic-gender breakdown included four sets of five male and five female subjects comprised of Caucasian and African-American speakers of standard American English, native Hindi Indian speakers, and native Mandarin Chinese speakers. Acoustic measures were analyzed using the Multidimensional Voice Program (Kay Elemetrics, Lincoln Park, NJ) (Model 4305) from which fundamental frequency and associated acoustic spectra were extracted from a 200-ms sample of each vowel token. Statistically significant group differences for the main effects of culture, race, and gender were found. The acoustic differences found are attributed to biomechanical, physiological, cultural, and linguistic factors.     

Acoustic characteristics of English lexical stress produced by native Mandarin speakers

Native speakers of Mandarin Chinese have difficulty producing native-like English stress contrasts. Acoustically, English lexical stress is multidimensional, involving manipulation of fundamental frequency (F0), duration, intensity and vowel quality. Errors in any or all of these correlates could interfere with perception of the stress contrast, but it is unknown which correlates are most problematic for Mandarin speakers. This study compares the use of these correlates in the production of lexical stress contrasts by 10 Mandarin and 10 native English speakers. Results showed that Mandarin speakers produced significantly less native-like stress patterns, although they did use all four acoustic correlates to distinguish stressed from unstressed syllables. Mandarin and English speakers' use of amplitude and duration were comparable for both stressed and unstressed syllables, but Mandarin speakers produced stressed syllables with a higher F0 than English speakers. There were also significant differences in formant patterns across groups, such that Mandarin speakers produced English-like vowel reduction in certain unstressed syllables, but not in others. Results suggest that Mandarin speakers' production of lexical stress contrasts in English is influenced partly by native-language experience with Mandarin lexical tones, and partly by similarities and differences between Mandarin and English vowel inventories.     

A study of sentence stress production in Mandarin speakers of American English

Acoustic characteristics of American English sentence stress produced by native Mandarin speakers are reported. Fundamental frequency (F0), vowel duration, and vowel intensity in the sentence-level stress produced by 40 Mandarin speakers were compared to those of 40 American English speakers. Results obtained from two methods of stress calculation indicated that Mandarin speakers of American English are able to differentiate stressed and unstressed words according to features of F0, duration, and intensity. Although the group of Mandarin speakers were able to signal stress in their sentence productions, the acoustic characteristics of stress were not identical to the American speakers. Mandarin speakers were found to produce stressed words with a significantly higher F0 and shorter duration compared to the American speakers. The groups also differed in production of unstressed words with Mandarin speakers using a higher F0 and greater intensity compared to American speakers. Although the acoustic differences observed may reflect an interference of L1 Mandarin in the production of L2 American English, the outcome of this study suggests no critical divergence between these speakers in the way they implement American English sentence stress.     

The effect of native vowel processing ability and frequency discrimination acuity on the phonetic training of English vowels for native speakers of Greek

The perception and production of nonnative phones in second language (L2) learners can be improved via auditory training, but L2 learning is often characterized by large differences in performance across individuals. This study examined whether success in learning L2 vowels, via five sessions of high-variability phonetic training, related to the learners' native (L1) vowel processing ability or their frequency discrimination acuity. A group of native speakers of Greek received training, while another completed the pre-/post-tests but without training. Pre-/post-tests assessed different aspects of their L2 and L1 vowel processing and frequency acuity. L2 and L1 vowel processing were assessed via: (a) Natural English (L2) vowel identification in quiet and in multi-talker babble, and natural Greek (L1) vowel identification in babble; (b) the categorization of synthetic English and Greek vowel continua; and (c) discrimination of the same continua. Frequency discrimination acuity was assessed for a nonspeech continuum. Frequency discrimination acuity was related to measures of both L1 and L2 vowel processing, a finding that favors an auditory processing over a speech-specific explanation for individual variability in L2 vowel learning. The most efficient frequency discriminators at pre-test were also the most accurate both in English vowel perception and production after training.     

Training English listeners to perceive phonemic length contrasts in Japanese

The present study investigated the extent to which native English listeners' perception of Japanese length contrasts can be modified with perceptual training, and how their performance is affected by factors that influence segment duration, which is a primary correlate of Japanese length contrasts. Listeners were trained in a minimal-pair identification paradigm with feedback, using isolated words contrasting in vowel length, produced at a normal speaking rate. Experiment 1 tested listeners using stimuli varying in speaking rate, presentation context (in isolation versus embedded in carrier sentences), and type of length contrast. Experiment 2 examined whether performance varied by the position of the contrast within the word, and by whether the test talkers were professionally trained or not. Results did not show that trained listeners improved overall performance to a greater extent than untrained control participants. Training improved perception of trained contrast types, generalized to nonprofessional talkers' productions, and improved performance in difficult within-word positions. However, training did not enable listeners to cope with speaking rate variation, and did not generalize to untrained contrast types. These results suggest that perceptual training improves non-native listeners' perception of Japanese length contrasts only to a limited extent.