Flexible cue use in nonnative phonetic categorization

Native and nonnative listeners categorized final /v/ versus /f/ in English nonwords. Fricatives followed phonetically long (originally /v/-preceding) or short (originally /f/-preceding) vowels. Vowel duration was constant for each participant and sometimes mismatched other voicing cues. Previous results showed that English but not Dutch listeners (whose L1 has no final voicing contrast) nevertheless used the misleading vowel duration for /v/-/f/ categorization. New analyses showed that Dutch listeners did use vowel duration initially, but quickly reduced its use, whereas the English listeners used it consistently throughout the experiment. Thus, nonnative listeners adapted to the stimuli more flexibly than native listeners did.     

Production of the word-final English /t/-/d/ contrast by native speakers of English, Mandarin, and Spanish.

The primary aim of this study was to determine if adults whose native language permits neither voiced nor voiceless stops to occur in word-final position can master the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Native English-speaking listeners identified the voicing feature in word-final stops produced by talkers in five groups: native speakers of English, experienced and inexperienced native Spanish speakers of English, and experienced and inexperienced native Mandarin speakers of English. Contrary to hypothesis, the experienced second language (L2) learners' stops were not identified significantly better than stops produced by the inexperienced L2 learners; and their stops were correctly identified significantly less often than stops produced by the native English speakers. Acoustic analyses revealed that the native English speakers made vowels significantly longer before /d/ than /t/, produced /t/-final words with a higher F1 offset frequency than /d/-final words, produced more closure voicing in /d/ than /t/, and sustained closure longer for /t/ than /d/. The L2 learners produced the same kinds of acoustic differences between /t/ and /d/, but theirs were usually of significantly smaller magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that only a few of the 40 L2 learners examined in the present study had mastered the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Several possible explanations for this negative finding are presented. Multiple regression analyses revealed that the native English listeners made perceptual use of the small, albeit significant, vowel duration differences produced in minimal pairs by the nonnative speakers. A significantly stronger correlation existed between vowel duration differences and the listeners' identifications of final stops in minimal pairs when the perceptual judgments were obtained in an "edited" condition (where post-vocalic cues were removed) than in a "full cue" condition. This suggested that listeners may modify their identification of stops based on the availability of acoustic cues.     

Perception of familiar contrasts in unfamiliar positions

This paper investigates the perception of non-native phoneme contrasts which exist in the native language, but not in the position tested. Like English, Dutch contrasts voiced and voiceless obstruents. Unlike English, Dutch allows only voiceless obstruents in word-final position. Dutch and English listeners' accuracy on English final voicing contrasts and their use of preceding vowel duration as a voicing cue were tested. The phonetic structure of Dutch should provide the necessary experience for a native-like use of this cue. Experiment 1 showed that Dutch listeners categorized English final /z/-/s/, /v/-/f/, /b/-/p/, and /d/-/t/ contrasts in nonwords as accurately as initial contrasts, and as accurately as English listeners did, even when release bursts were removed. In experiment 2, English listeners used vowel duration as a cue for one final contrast, although it was uninformative and sometimes mismatched other voicing characteristics, whereas Dutch listeners did not. Although it should be relatively easy for them, Dutch listeners did not use vowel duration. Nevertheless, they attained native-like accuracy, and sometimes even outperformed the native listeners who were liable to be misled by uninformative vowel duration information. Thus, native-like use of cues for non-native but familiar contrasts in unfamiliar positions may hardly ever be attained.     

Cue-specific effects of categorization training on the relative weighting of acoustic cues to consonant voicing in English

In English, voiced and voiceless syllable-initial stop consonants differ in both fundamental frequency at the onset of voicing (onset F0) and voice onset time (VOT). Although both correlates, alone, can cue the voicing contrast, listeners weight VOT more heavily when both are available. Such differential weighting may arise from differences in the perceptual distance between voicing categories along the VOT versus onset F0 dimensions, or it may arise from a bias to pay more attention to VOT than to onset F0. The present experiment examines listeners' use of these two cues when classifying stimuli in which perceptual distance was artificially equated along the two dimensions. Listeners were also trained to categorize stimuli based on one cue at the expense of another. Equating perceptual distance eliminated the expected bias toward VOT before training, but successfully learning to base decisions more on VOT and less on onset F0 was easier than vice versa. Perceptual distance along both dimensions increased for both groups after training, but only VOT-trained listeners showed a decrease in Garner interference. Results lend qualified support to an attentional model of phonetic learning in which learning involves strategic redeployment of selective attention across integral acoustic cues.     

The use of acoustic cues for phonetic identification: effects of spectral degradation and electric hearing

Although some cochlear implant (CI) listeners can show good word recognition accuracy, it is not clear how they perceive and use the various acoustic cues that contribute to phonetic perceptions. In this study, the use of acoustic cues was assessed for normal-hearing (NH) listeners in optimal and spectrally degraded conditions, and also for CI listeners. Two experiments tested the tense/lax vowel contrast (varying in formant structure, vowel-inherent spectral change, and vowel duration) and the word-final fricative voicing contrast (varying in F1 transition, vowel duration, consonant duration, and consonant voicing). Identification results were modeled using mixed-effects logistic regression. These experiments suggested that under spectrally-degraded conditions, NH listeners decrease their use of formant cues and increase their use of durational cues. Compared to NH listeners, CI listeners showed decreased use of spectral cues like formant structure and formant change and consonant voicing, and showed greater use of durational cues (especially for the fricative contrast). The results suggest that although NH and CI listeners may show similar accuracy on basic tests of word, phoneme or feature recognition, they may be using different perceptual strategies in the process.     

Differences in human and monkey sensitivity to acoustic cues underlying voicing contrasts

Humans and monkeys were compared in their differential sensitivity to various acoustic cues underlying voicing contrasts specified by voice-onset time (VOT) in utterance-initial stop consonants. A low-uncertainty repeating standard AX procedure and positive-reinforcement operant conditioning techniques were used to measure difference limens (DLs) along a VOT continuum from--70 ms (prevoiced/ba/) to 0 ms (/ba/) to + 70 ms (/pa/). For all contrasts tested, human sensitivity was more acute than that of monkeys. For voicing lag, which spans a phonemic contrast in English, human DLs for a/ba/(standard)-to-/pa/ (target) continuum averaged 8.3 ms compared to 17 ms for monkeys. Human DLs for a/pa/-to-/ba/ continuum averaged 11 ms compared to 25 ms for monkeys. Larger species differences occurred for voicing lead, which is phonemically nondistinctive in English. Human DLs for a /ba/-to-prevoiced/ba/ continuum averaged 8.2 ms and were four times lower than monkeys (35 ms). Monkeys did not reliably discriminate prevoiced /ba/-to-/ba/, whereas humans DLs averaged 18 ms. The effects of eliminating cues in the English VOT contrasts were also examined. Removal of the aspiration noise in /pa/ greatly increased the DLs and reaction times for both humans and monkeys, but straightening out the F1 transition in /ba/ had only minor effects. Results suggest that quantitative differences in sensitivity should be considered when using monkeys to model the psychoacoustic level of human speech perception.     

Formant transitions in fricative identification: the role of native fricative inventory

The distribution of energy across the noise spectrum provides the primary cues for the identification of a fricative. Formant transitions have been reported to play a role in identification of some fricatives, but the combined results so far are conflicting. We report five experiments testing the hypothesis that listeners differ in their use of formant transitions as a function of the presence of spectrally similar fricatives in their native language. Dutch, English, German, Polish, and Spanish native listeners performed phoneme monitoring experiments with pseudowords containing either coherent or misleading formant transitions for the fricatives /s/ and /f/. Listeners of German and Dutch, both languages without spectrally similar fricatives, were not affected by the misleading formant transitions. Listeners of the remaining languages were misled by incorrect formant transitions. In an untimed labeling experiment both Dutch and Spanish listeners provided goodness ratings that revealed sensitivity to the acoustic manipulation. We conclude that all listeners may be sensitive to mismatching information at a low auditory level, but that they do not necessarily take full advantage of all available systematic acoustic variation when identifying phonemes. Formant transitions may be most useful for listeners of languages with spectrally similar fricatives.     

Spectral structure across the syllable specifies final-stop voicing for adults and children alike

Traditional accounts of speech perception generally hold that listeners use isolable acoustic "cues" to label phonemes. For syllable-final stops, duration of the preceding vocalic portion and formant transitions at syllable's end have been considered the primary cues to voicing decisions. The current experiment tried to extend traditional accounts by asking two questions concerning voicing decisions by adults and children: (1) What weight is given to vocalic duration versus spectral structure, both at syllable's end and across the syllable? (2) Does the naturalness of stimuli affect labeling? Adults and children (4, 6, and 8 years old) labeled synthetic stimuli that varied in vocalic duration and spectral structure, either at syllable's end or earlier in the syllable. Results showed that all listeners weighted dynamic spectral structure, both at syllable's end and earlier in the syllable, more than vocalic duration, and listeners performed with these synthetic stimuli as listeners had performed previously with natural stimuli. The conclusion for accounts of human speech perception is that rather than simply gathering acoustic cues and summing them to derive strings of phonemic segments, listeners are able to attend to global spectral structure, and use it to help recover explicitly phonetic structure.     

The use of visual cues in the perception of non-native consonant contrasts

This study assessed the extent to which second-language learners are sensitive to phonetic information contained in visual cues when identifying a non-native phonemic contrast. In experiment 1, Spanish and Japanese learners of English were tested on their perception of a labial/ labiodental consonant contrast in audio (A), visual (V), and audio-visual (AV) modalities. Spanish students showed better performance overall, and much greater sensitivity to visual cues than Japanese students. Both learner groups achieved higher scores in the AV than in the A test condition, thus showing evidence of audio-visual benefit. Experiment 2 examined the perception of the less visually-salient /1/-/r/ contrast in Japanese and Korean learners of English. Korean learners obtained much higher scores in auditory and audio-visual conditions than in the visual condition, while Japanese learners generally performed poorly in both modalities. Neither group showed evidence of audio-visual benefit. These results show the impact of the language background of the learner and visual salience of the contrast on the use of visual cues for a non-native contrast. Significant correlations between scores in the auditory and visual conditions suggest that increasing auditory proficiency in identifying a non-native contrast is linked with an increasing proficiency in using visual cues to the contrast.     

Categorical perception of intonation contrasts: effects of listeners' language background

Intonation perception of English speech was examined for English- and Chinese-native listeners. F0 contour was manipulated from falling to rising patterns for the final words of three sentences. Listener's task was to identify and discriminate the intonation of each sentence (question versus statement). English and Chinese listeners had significant differences in the identification functions such as the categorical boundary and the slope. In the discrimination functions, Chinese listeners showed greater peakedness than English peers. The cross-linguistic differences in intonation perception were similar to the previous findings in perception of lexical tones, likely due to listeners' language background differences.     

Listener sensitivity to individual talker differences in voice-onset-time

Recent findings in the domains of word and talker recognition reveal that listeners use previous experience with an individual talker's voice to facilitate subsequent perceptual processing of that talker's speech. These findings raise the possibility that listeners are sensitive to talker-specific acoustic-phonetic properties. The present study tested this possibility directly by examining listeners' sensitivity to talker differences in the voice-onset-time (VOT) associated with a word-initial voiceless stop consonant. Listeners were trained on the speech of two talkers. Speech synthesis was used to manipulate the VOTs of these talkers so that one had short VOTs and the other had long VOTs (counterbalanced across listeners). The results of two experiments using a paired-comparison task revealed that, when presented with a short- versus long-VOT variant of a given talker's speech, listeners could select the variant consistent with their experience of that talker's speech during training. This was true when listeners were tested on the same word heard during training and when they were tested on a different word spoken by the same talker, indicating that listeners generalized talker-specific VOT information to a novel word. Such sensitivity to talker-specific acoustic-phonetic properties may subserve at least in part listeners' capacity to benefit from talker-specific experience.     

Perceptual cues to the voiced-voiceless distinction of final fricatives for listeners with impaired or with normal hearing

Cues to the voicing distinction for final /f,s,v,z/ were assessed for 24 impaired- and 11 normal-hearing listeners. In base-line tests the listeners identified the consonants in recorded /d circumflex C/ syllables. To assess the importance of various cues, tests were conducted of the syllables altered by deletion and/or temporal adjustment of segments containing acoustic patterns related to the voicing distinction for the fricatives. The results showed that decreasing the duration of /circumflex/ preceding /v/ or /z/, and lengthening the /circumflex/ preceding /f/ or /s/, considerably reduced the correctness of voicing perception for the hearing-impaired group, while showing no effect for the normal-hearing group. For the normals, voicing perception deteriorated for /f/ and /s/ when the frications were deleted from the syllables, and for /v/ and /z/ when the vowel offsets were removed from the syllables with duration-adjusted vowels and deleted frications. We conclude that some hearing-impaired listeners rely to a greater extent on vowel duration as a voicing cue than do normal-hearing listeners.     

Auditory constraints on the perception of voice-onset time: the influence of lower tone frequency on judgments of tone-onset simultaneity

The experiments reported employed nonspeech analogs of speech stimuli to examine the perceptual interaction between first-formant onset frequency and voice-onset time, acoustic cues to the voicing distinction in English initial stop consonants. The nonspeech stimuli comprised two pure tones varying in relative onset time, and listeners were asked to judge the simultaneity of tone onsets. These judgments were affected by the frequency of the lower tone in a manner that parallels the influence of first-formant onset frequency on voicing judgments. This effect was shown to occur regardless of prior learning and to be systematic over a wide range of lower tone frequencies including frequencies beyond the range of possible first-formant frequencies of speech, suggesting that the effect in speech is not attributable to (tacit) knowledge of production constraints, as some current theories suggest.     

Training English listeners to perceive phonemic length contrasts in Japanese

The present study investigated the extent to which native English listeners' perception of Japanese length contrasts can be modified with perceptual training, and how their performance is affected by factors that influence segment duration, which is a primary correlate of Japanese length contrasts. Listeners were trained in a minimal-pair identification paradigm with feedback, using isolated words contrasting in vowel length, produced at a normal speaking rate. Experiment 1 tested listeners using stimuli varying in speaking rate, presentation context (in isolation versus embedded in carrier sentences), and type of length contrast. Experiment 2 examined whether performance varied by the position of the contrast within the word, and by whether the test talkers were professionally trained or not. Results did not show that trained listeners improved overall performance to a greater extent than untrained control participants. Training improved perception of trained contrast types, generalized to nonprofessional talkers' productions, and improved performance in difficult within-word positions. However, training did not enable listeners to cope with speaking rate variation, and did not generalize to untrained contrast types. These results suggest that perceptual training improves non-native listeners' perception of Japanese length contrasts only to a limited extent.     

Sensitivity to isolated and concurrent intensity and fundamental frequency increments by cochlear implant users under natural listening conditions

Sensitivity to acoustic cues in cochlear implant (CI) listening under natural conditions is a potentially complex interaction between a number of simultaneous factors, and may be difficult to predict. In the present study, sensitivity was measured under conditions that approximate those of natural listening. Synthesized words having increases in intensity or fundamental frequency (F0) in a middle stressed syllable were presented in soundfield to normal-hearing listeners and to CI listeners using their everyday speech processors and programming. In contrast to the extremely fine sensitivity to electrical current observed when direct stimulation of single electrodes is employed, difference limens (DLs) for intensity were larger for the CI listeners by a factor of 2.4. In accord with previous work, F0 DLs were larger by almost one order of magnitude. In a second experiment, it was found that the presence of concurrent intensity and F0 increments reduced the mean DL to half that of either cue alone for both groups of subjects, indicating that both groups combine concurrent cues with equal success. Although sensitivity to either cue in isolation was not related to word recognition in CI users, the listeners having lower combined-cue thresholds produced better word recognition scores.     

Training humans in non-native phoneme perception using a monkey psychoacoustic procedure

Humans were trained to categorize problem non-native phonemes using an animal psychoacoustic procedure that trains monkeys to greater than 90% correct in phoneme identification [Sinnott and Gilmore, Percept. Psychophys. 66, 1341-1350 (2004)]. This procedure uses a manual left versus right response on a lever, a continuously repeated stimulus on each trial, extensive feedback for errors in the form of a repeated correction procedure, and training until asymptotic levels of performance. Here, Japanese listeners categorized the English liquid contrast /r-l/, and English listeners categorized the Middle Eastern dental-retroflex contrast /d-D/. Consonant-vowel stimuli were constructed using four talkers and four vowels. Native listeners and phoneme contrasts familiar to all listeners were included as controls. Responses were analyzed using percent correct, response time, and vowel context effects as measures. All measures indicated nativelike Japanese perception of /r-l/ after 32 daily training sessions, but this was not the case for English perception of /d-D/. Results are related to the concept of "robust" (more easily recovered) versus "fragile" (more easily lost) phonetic contrasts [Burnham, Appl. Psycholing. 7, 207-240 (1986)].     

Phonetic training with acoustic cue manipulations: a comparison of methods for teaching English /r/-/l/ to Japanese adults

Recent work [Iverson et al. (2003) Cognition, 87, B47-57] has suggested that Japanese adults have difficulty learning English /r/ and /l/ because they are overly sensitive to acoustic cues that are not reliable for /r/-/l/ categorization (e.g., F2 frequency). This study investigated whether cue weightings are altered by auditory training, and compared the effectiveness of different training techniques. Separate groups of subjects received High Variability Phonetic Training (natural words from multiple talkers), and 3 techniques in which the natural recordings were altered via signal processing (All Enhancement, with F3 contrast maximized and closure duration lengthened; Perceptual Fading, with F3 enhancement reduced during training; and Secondary Cue Variability, with variation in F2 and durations increased during training). The results demonstrated that all of the training techniques improved /r/-/l/ identification by Japanese listeners, but there were no differences between the techniques. Training also altered the use of secondary acoustic cues; listeners became biased to identify stimuli as English /l/ when the cues made them similar to the Japanese /r/ category, and reduced their use of secondary acoustic cues for stimuli that were dissimilar to Japanese /r/. The results suggest that both category assimilation and perceptual interference affect English /r/ and /l/ acquisition.     

Individual talker differences in voice-onset-time

Individual talkers differ in the acoustic properties of their speech, and at least some of these differences are in acoustic properties relevant for phonetic perception. Recent findings from studies of speech perception have shown that listeners can exploit such differences to facilitate both the recognition of talkers' voices and the recognition of words spoken by familiar talkers. These findings motivate the current study, whose aim is to examine individual talker variation in a particular phonetically-relevant acoustic property, voice-onset-time (VOT). VOT is a temporal property that robustly specifies voicing in stop consonants. From the broad literature involving VOT, it appears that individual talkers differ from one another in their VOT productions. The current study confirmed this finding for eight talkers producing monosyllabic words beginning with voiceless stop consonants. Moreover, when differences in VOT due to variability in speaking rate across the talkers were factored out using hierarchical linear modeling, individual talkers still differed from one another in VOT, though these differences were attenuated. These findings provide evidence that VOT varies systematically from talker to talker and may therefore be one phonetically-relevant acoustic property underlying listeners' capacity to benefit from talker-specific experience.     

Voice onset time as a perceptual cue in voicing contrast in Tulu language

Voice onset time (VOT) is a perceptual cue in voicing contrast of stops in the word initial position. The current study aims to acoustically and perceptually characterize VOT in one of the major South Indian languages — Tulu. Stimuli consisted of 2 pairs of meaningful words with velar [/p/-/b/] and bilabial stops and [/k/-g/] in the initial position. These words were uttered by 8 normal native speakers of Tulu and recorded using Praat software. Both spectrogram and waveform views were used to identify the VOT. For perceptual experiment, 4 adult native speakers of Tulu were asked to identify the stimulus from where voicing was truncated in steps of 5 to 7 ms till lead VOT was 0 and silence was added after the burst in 5 msec steps till the lag VOT was 50 msec. The reaction time and the accuracy in identification were measured. Results of acoustic measurement showed no significant mean difference between lead VOTs of two voiced consonants. However, there was a significant difference between means of lag VOTs of voiceless consonants. Results of Perceptual measurement showed that as lead VOT reduces, probability of indentification of /g/ responses reduces; whereas changing VOT had little effect on reaction time and identification of /b/ responses. These results probably indicate that VOT is not necessary to perceive voiceles constants in Tulu but is necessary in the perception of voiced consonants. Thus VOT is a constant specific cue in Tulu.