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1.
This article offers a systematic reading of the introduction to Augustin-Louis Cauchy’s landmark 1821 mathematical textbook, the Cours d’analyse. Despite its emblematic status in the history of mathematical analysis and, indeed, of modern mathematics as a whole, Cauchy’s introduction has been more a source for suggestive quotations than an object of study in its own right. Cauchy’s short mathematical metatext offers a rich snapshot of a scholarly paradigm in transition. A close reading of Cauchy’s writing reveals the complex modalities of the author’s epistemic positioning, particularly with respect to the geometric study of quantities in space, as he struggles to refound the discipline on which he has staked his young career.  相似文献   

2.
The recent publication of three books on Maria Gaetana Agnesi (1718-1799) offers an opportunity to reflect on how we have understood and misunderstood her legacy to the history of mathematics, as the author of an important vernacular textbook, Instituzioni analitiche ad uso della gioventú italiana (Milan, 1748), and one of the best-known women natural philosophers and mathematicians of her generation. This article discusses the work of Antonella Cupillari, Franco Minonzio, and Massimo Mazzotti in relation to earlier studies of Agnesi and reflects on the current state of this subject in light of the author’s own research on Agnesi.  相似文献   

3.
This paper argues that the epistemological promotion of mathematics by the Jesuit Cristoforo Borri, while he was teaching at the Coimbra Jesuit College in the late 1620s, played a decisive role in the updating of cosmological ideas in 17th-century Portugal. The paper focuses on Borri's position on the celebrated quaestio de certitudine mathematicarum and on his understanding of the classification of sciences. It argues that by conferring on mathematics the status of Aristotelian causal science, Borri made it possible to integrate mathematical data into the philosophical debate, particularly with regard to the new cosmology.  相似文献   

4.
Snellius’s Fundamenta Arithmetica et Geometrica (1615) is much more than a Latin translation of Ludolph van Ceulen’s Arithmetische en Geometrische Fondamenten. Willebrord Snellius both adapted and commented on the Dutch original in his Fundamenta, and thus his Latin version can be read as a dialogue between representatives of two different approaches to mathematics in the early modern period: Snellius’s humanist approach and Van Ceulen’s practitioner’s approach. This article considers the relationship between the Dutch and Latin versions of the text and, in particular, puts some of their statements on the use of numbers in geometry under the microscope. In addition, Snellius’s use of the Fundamenta as an instrument to further his career is explained.  相似文献   

5.
Bringing the meta-mathematics of Hero of Alexandria and Claudius Ptolemy into conversation for the first time, I argue that they employ identical rhetorical strategies in the introductions to Hero's Belopoeica, Pneumatica, Metrica and Ptolemy's Almagest. They each adopt a paradigmatic argument, in which they criticize the discourses of philosophers and declare epistemological supremacy for mathematics by asserting that geometrical demonstration is indisputable. The rarity of this claim—in conjunction with the paradigmatic argument—indicates that Hero and Ptolemy participated in a single meta-mathematical tradition, which made available to them rhetoric designed to introduce, justify, and bolster the value of mathematics.  相似文献   

6.
Jacob Bernoulli (1654–1705) did most of his research on the mathematics of uncertainty – or stochastics, as he came to call it – between 1684 and 1690. However, the Ars Conjectandi, in which he presented his insights (including the fundamental “Law of Large Numbers”), was printed only in 1713, eight years after his death. The paper studies the sources and the development of Bernoulli's ideas on probability, the reasons behind the delay in publishing and the circumstances under which his masterpiece eventually reached the public.  相似文献   

7.
8.
The Swedish mathematician Gösta Mittag-Leffler (1846–1927) is well-known for founding Acta Mathematica, often touted as the first international journal of mathematics. A “post-doctoral” student in Paris and Berlin between 1873 and 1876, Mittag-Leffler built on Karl Weierstrass? work by proving the Mittag-Leffler Theorem, which states that a function of rational character (i.e. a meromorphic function) is specified by its poles, their multiplicities, and the coefficients in the principal part of its Laurent expansion.  相似文献   

9.
Luigi Cremona (1830-1903) is unanimously considered to be the man who laid the foundations of the prestigious Italian school of Algebraic Geometry. In this paper we draw attention to the “Legato Itala Cremona Cozzolino”, which was given to the library of the Mazzini Institute, Genoa, Italy, by Cremona’s daughter, Itala, probably in 1939. This legacy, which contains over 6000 documents, mainly consisting of Cremona’s correspondence with scientific and institutional Italian interlocutors, can help us to understand the connections between the development of Italian mathematics in the second half of the XIX century and the main political issues of Italian history.  相似文献   

10.
In Chapter 21 of Vanden Circkel (On the Circle) [Van Ceulen, 1596], the arithmetic teacher and fencing master Ludolph van Ceulen published his analysis of 16 propositions which had been submitted to him by an anonymous “highly learned man”. In this paper, the author of the propositions will be identified as the classicist and humanist Joseph Justus Scaliger (1540-1609), who lived in the city of Leiden, just like Van Ceulen. The whole Chapter 21 of Van Ceulen’s Vanden Circkel turns out to be a criticism of Scaliger’s Cyclometrica (1594), a work which includes a false circle quadrature and many other incorrect theorems. The exchanges between Van Ceulen and Scaliger are analyzed in this paper and related to difference in social status and to different approaches to mathematics.  相似文献   

11.
12.
Wang Xiaotong?s Jigu suanjing is primarily concerned with problems in solid and plane geometry leading to cubic equations which are to be solved numerically by the Chinese variant of Horner?s method. The problems in solid geometry give the volume of a solid and certain constraints on its dimensions, and the dimensions are required; we translate and analyze four of these. Three are solved using dissections, while one is solved using reasoning about calculations with very little recourse to geometrical considerations. The problems in Wang Xiaotong?s text cannot be seen as practical problems in themselves, but they introduce mathematical methods which would have been useful to administrators in organizing labor forces for public works.  相似文献   

13.
Akin to the mathematical recreations, John Wilkins' Mathematicall Magick ( 1648) elaborates the pleasant, useful and wondrous part of practical mathematics, dealing in particular with its material culture of machines and instruments. We contextualize the Mathematicall Magick by studying its institutional setting and its place within changing conceptions of art, nature, religion and mathematics. We devote special attention to the way Wilkins inscribes mechanical innovations within a discourse of wonder. Instead of treating ‘wonder’ as a monolithic category, we present a typology, showing that wonders were not only recreative, but were meant to inspire Wilkins' readers to new mathematical inventions.  相似文献   

14.
The transition from classical to electronic textbooks seems to be a logical step in the digitization advancing worldwide. However, developing an e-book ought to be more than digitizing text: key features of computer-based learning environments such as interactive exercises, adaptive demands, or automatic feedback should be integrated to take advantage of the digitization. The “ALICE:fractions” project aims at designing and evaluating an interactive mathematics textbook for introducing fractions in the classroom. It is based on research in mathematics education and includes the elements just mentioned. This paper describes the electronic textbook’s implementation and its theoretical background. Moreover, it introduces aspects that allow further information on learning processes to be gleaned. As an example, time on task is regarded in a study with 6th graders who used the electronic textbook in the classroom. Linear mixed models revealed a negative effect of time on task on task success. The effect was moderated by exercise difficulty and slightly by student competence: the effect was less pronounced in difficult exercises and for low-achieving students, whereas for high-achieving students or in easier exercises, the effect intensified.  相似文献   

15.
This article deals with Leibniz's reception of Descartes' “geometry.” Leibnizian mathematics was based on five fundamental notions: calculus, characteristic, art of invention, method, and freedom. On the basis of methodological considerations Leibniz criticized Descartes' restriction of geometry to objects that could be given in terms of algebraic (i.e., finite) equations: “Descartes's mind was the limit of science.” The failure of algebra to solve equations of higher degree led Leibniz to develop linear algebra, and the failure of algebra to deal with transcendental problems led him to conceive of a science of the infinite. Hence Leibniz reconstructed the mathematical corpus, created new (transcendental) notions, and redefined known notions (equality, exactness, construction), thus establishing “a veritable complement of algebra for the transcendentals”: infinite equations, i.e., infinite series, became inestimable tools of mathematical research.  相似文献   

16.
The paper discusses the tension which occurred between the notions of set (with measure) and (trial-) sequence (or—to a certain degree—between nondenumerable and denumerable sets) when used in the foundations of probability theory around 1920. The main mathematical point was the logical need for measures in order to describe general nondiscrete distributions, which had been tentatively introduced before (1919) based on von Mises’s notion of the “Kollektiv.” In the background there was a tension between the standpoints of pure mathematics and “real world probability” (in the words of J.L. Doob) at the time. The discussion and publication in English translation (in Appendix) of two critical letters of November 1919 by the “pure” mathematician Felix Hausdorff to the engineer and applied mathematician Richard von Mises compose about one third of the paper. The article also investigates von Mises’s ill-conceived effort to adopt measures and his misinterpretation of an influential book of Constantin Carathéodory. A short and sketchy look at the subsequent development of the standpoints of the pure and the applied mathematician—here represented by Hausdorff and von Mises—in the probability theory of the 1920s and 1930s concludes the paper.  相似文献   

17.
In the early calculus mathematicians used convergent series to represent geometrical quantities and solve geometrical problems. However, series were also manipulated formally using procedures that were the infinitary extension of finite procedures. By the 1720s results were being published that could not be reduced to the original conceptions of convergence and geometrical representation. This situation led Euler to develop explicitly a more formal approach which generalized the early theory. Formal analysis, which was predominant during the second half of the 18th century despite criticisms of it by some researchers, contributed to the enlargement of mathematics and even led to a new branch of analysis: the calculus of operations. However, formal methods could not give an adequate treatment of trigonometric series and series that were not the expansions of elementary functions. The need to use trigonometric series and introduce nonelementary functions led Fourier and Gauss to reject the formal concept of series and adopt a different, purely quantitative notion of series.  相似文献   

18.
19.
In the 16th and 17th centuries the classical Greek notions of (discrete) number and (continuous) magnitude (preserved in medieval Latin translations of Euclid's Elements) underwent a major transformation that turned them into continuous but measurable magnitudes. This article studies the changes introduced in the classical notions of number and magnitude by three influential Renaissance editions of Euclid's Elements. Besides providing evidence of earlier discussions preparing notions and arguments eventually introduced in Simon Stevin's Arithmétique of 1585, these editions document the role abacus algebra and Renaissance views on the history of mathematics played in bridging the gulf between discrete numbers and continuous magnitudes.  相似文献   

20.
After Descartes’ death in 1650, Princess Elizabeth generously shared with others several letters she had received from the philosopher, which contained philosophically as well as mathematically exciting material. In this article I place the transmission of these copies in context, revealing that Elizabeth steadily became an intellectually inspiring figure, attracting international attention. In the 1650s she stayed at Heidelberg where she discussed Cartesian philosophy with professors and students alike, including the professor of philosophy and mathematics Johann von Leuneschlos. In the mid-1660s, an initiative was taken from the English side of the Channel (Pell, More) to obtain Descartes’ mathematical letters to Elizabeth that had not yet been published. One letter of Elizabeth herself on this very subject has been preserved. The letter, addressed to Theodore Haak, will be published here for the first time. It is of special interest, because the princess supplies a general outline of her solution to the mathematical problem Descartes gave her to solve in 1643. It substantiates the hypothesis regarding Elizabeth’s solution earlier proposed by Henk Bos.  相似文献   

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