Coarticulatory influences on the perceived height of nasal vowels

Certain of the complex spectral effects of vowel nasalization bear a resemblance to the effects of modifying the tongue or jaw position with which the vowel is produced. Perceptual evidence suggests that listener misperceptions of nasal vowel height arise as a result of this resemblance. Whereas previous studies examined isolated nasal vowels, this research focused on the role of phonetic context in shaping listeners' judgments of nasal vowel height. Identification data obtained from native American English speakers indicated that nasal coupling does not necessarily lead to listener misperceptions of vowel quality when the vowel's nasality is coarticulatory in nature. The perceived height of contextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVnd] environment) did not differ from that of oral vowels (in a [bVd] environment) produced with the same tongue-jaw configuration. In contrast, corresponding noncontextually nasalized vowels (in a [bVd] environment) were perceived as lower in quality than vowels in the other two conditions. Presumably the listeners' lack of experience with distinctive vowel nasalization prompted them to resolve the spectral effects of noncontextual nasalization in terms of tongue or jaw height, rather than velic height. The implications of these findings with respect to sound changes affecting nasal vowel height are also discussed.     

Acoustic variability within and across German, French, and American English vowels: phonetic context effects

Cross-language perception studies report influences of speech style and consonantal context on perceived similarity and discrimination of non-native vowels by inexperienced and experienced listeners. Detailed acoustic comparisons of distributions of vowels produced by native speakers of North German (NG), Parisian French (PF) and New York English (AE) in citation (di)syllables and in sentences (surrounded by labial and alveolar stops) are reported here. Results of within- and cross-language discriminant analyses reveal striking dissimilarities across languages in the spectral/temporal variation of coarticulated vowels. As expected, vocalic duration was most important in differentiating NG vowels; it did not contribute to PF vowel classification. Spectrally, NG long vowels showed little coarticulatory change, but back/low short vowels were fronted/raised in alveolar context. PF vowels showed greater coarticulatory effects overall; back and front rounded vowels were fronted, low and mid-low vowels were raised in both sentence contexts. AE mid to high back vowels were extremely fronted in alveolar contexts, with little change in mid-low and low long vowels. Cross-language discriminant analyses revealed varying patterns of spectral (dis)similarity across speech styles and consonantal contexts that could, in part, account for AE listeners' perception of German and French front rounded vowels, and "similar" mid-high to mid-low vowels.     

Acoustic and perceptual similarity of Japanese and American English vowels

Acoustic and perceptual similarities between Japanese and American English (AE) vowels were investigated in two studies. In study 1, a series of discriminant analyses were performed to determine acoustic similarities between Japanese and AE vowels, each spoken by four native male speakers using F1, F2, and vocalic duration as input parameters. In study 2, the Japanese vowels were presented to native AE listeners in a perceptual assimilation task, in which the listeners categorized each Japanese vowel token as most similar to an AE category and rated its goodness as an exemplar of the chosen AE category. Results showed that the majority of AE listeners assimilated all Japanese vowels into long AE categories, apparently ignoring temporal differences between 1- and 2-mora Japanese vowels. In addition, not all perceptual assimilation patterns reflected context-specific spectral similarity patterns established by discriminant analysis. It was hypothesized that this incongruity between acoustic and perceptual similarity may be due to differences in distributional characteristics of native and non-native vowel categories that affect the listeners' perceptual judgments.     

On the sufficiency of compound target specification of isolated vowels and vowels in /bVb/ syllables.

It has been suggested [e.g., Strange et al., J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 74, 695-705 (1983); Verbrugge and Rakerd, Language Speech 29, 39-57 (1986)] that the temporal margins of vowels in consonantal contexts, consisting mainly of the rapid CV and VC transitions of CVC's, contain dynamic cues to vowel identity that are not available in isolated vowels and that may be perceptually superior in some circumstances to cues which are inherent to the vowels proper. However, this study shows that vowel-inherent formant targets and cues to vowel-inherent spectral change (measured from nucleus to offglide sections of the vowel itself) persist in the margins of /bVb/ syllables, confirming a hypothesis of Nearey and Assmann [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 80, 1297-1308 (1986)]. Experiments were conducted to test whether listeners might be using such vowel-inherent, rather than coarticulatory information to identify the vowels. In the first experiment, perceptual tests using "hybrid silent center" syllables (i.e., syllables which contain only brief initial and final portions of the original syllable, and in which speaker identity changes from the initial to the final portion) show that listeners' error rates and confusion matrices for vowels in /bVb/ syllables are very similar to those for isolated vowels. These results suggest that listeners are using essentially the same type of information in essentially the same way to identify both kinds of stimuli. Statistical pattern recognition models confirm the relative robustness of nucleus and vocalic offglide cues and can predict reasonably well listeners' error patterns in all experimental conditions, though performance for /bVb/ syllables is somewhat worse than for isolated vowels. The second experiment involves the use of simplified synthetic stimuli, lacking consonantal transitions, which are shown to provide information that is nearly equivalent phonetically to that of the natural silent center /bVb/ syllables (from which the target measurements were extracted). Although no conclusions are drawn about other contexts, for speakers of Western Canadian English coarticulatory cues appear to play at best a minor role in the perception of vowels in /bVb/ context, while vowel-inherent factors dominate listeners' perception.     

Integrality of nasalization and F1. II. Basic sensitivity and phonetic labeling measure distinct sensory and decision-rule interactions

In vowel perception, nasalization and height (the inverse of the first formant, F1) interact. This paper asks whether the interaction results from a sensory process, decision mechanism, or both. Two experiments used vowels varying in height, degree of nasalization, and three other stimulus parameters: the frequency region of F1, the location of the nasal pole/zero complex relative to F1, and whether a consonant following the vowel was oral or nasal. A fixed-classification experiment, designed to estimate basic sensitivity between stimuli, measured accuracy for discriminating stimuli differing in F1, in nasalization, and on both dimensions. A configuration derived by a multidimensional scaling analysis revealed a perceptual interaction that was stronger for stimuli in which the nasal pole/zero complex was below rather than above the oral pole, and that was present before both nasal and oral consonants. Phonetic identification experiments, designed to measure trading relations between the two dimensions, required listeners to identify height and nasalization in vowels varying in both. Judgments of nasalization depended on F1 as well as on nasalization, whereas judgments of height depended primarily on F1, and on nasalization more when the nasal complex was below than above the oral pole. This pattern was interpreted as a decision-rule interaction that is distinct from the interaction in basic sensitivity. Final consonant nasality had little effect in the classification experiment; in the identification experiment, nasal judgments were more likely when the following consonant was nasal.     

Production of the word-final English /t/-/d/ contrast by native speakers of English, Mandarin, and Spanish.

The primary aim of this study was to determine if adults whose native language permits neither voiced nor voiceless stops to occur in word-final position can master the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Native English-speaking listeners identified the voicing feature in word-final stops produced by talkers in five groups: native speakers of English, experienced and inexperienced native Spanish speakers of English, and experienced and inexperienced native Mandarin speakers of English. Contrary to hypothesis, the experienced second language (L2) learners' stops were not identified significantly better than stops produced by the inexperienced L2 learners; and their stops were correctly identified significantly less often than stops produced by the native English speakers. Acoustic analyses revealed that the native English speakers made vowels significantly longer before /d/ than /t/, produced /t/-final words with a higher F1 offset frequency than /d/-final words, produced more closure voicing in /d/ than /t/, and sustained closure longer for /t/ than /d/. The L2 learners produced the same kinds of acoustic differences between /t/ and /d/, but theirs were usually of significantly smaller magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that only a few of the 40 L2 learners examined in the present study had mastered the English word-final /t/-/d/ contrast. Several possible explanations for this negative finding are presented. Multiple regression analyses revealed that the native English listeners made perceptual use of the small, albeit significant, vowel duration differences produced in minimal pairs by the nonnative speakers. A significantly stronger correlation existed between vowel duration differences and the listeners' identifications of final stops in minimal pairs when the perceptual judgments were obtained in an "edited" condition (where post-vocalic cues were removed) than in a "full cue" condition. This suggested that listeners may modify their identification of stops based on the availability of acoustic cues.     

Acoustic and perceptual similarity of North German and American English vowels

Current theories of cross-language speech perception claim that patterns of perceptual assimilation of non-native segments to native categories predict relative difficulties in learning to perceive (and produce) non-native phones. Cross-language spectral similarity of North German (NG) and American English (AE) vowels produced in isolated hVC(a) (di)syllables (study 1) and in hVC syllables embedded in a short sentence (study 2) was determined by discriminant analyses, to examine the extent to which acoustic similarity was predictive of perceptual similarity patterns. The perceptual assimilation of NG vowels to native AE vowel categories by AE listeners with no German language experience was then assessed directly. Both studies showed that acoustic similarity of AE and NG vowels did not always predict perceptual similarity, especially for "new" NG front rounded vowels and for "similar" NG front and back mid and mid-low vowels. Both acoustic and perceptual similarity of NG and AE vowels varied as a function of the prosodic context, although vowel duration differences did not affect perceptual assimilation patterns. When duration and spectral similarity were in conflict, AE listeners assimilated vowels on the basis of spectral similarity in both prosodic contexts.     

Temporal characteristics of nasalization in children and adult speakers of American English and Korean during production of three vowel contexts

The purpose of this study was to identify and compare the temporal characteristics of nasalization in relation to (1) languages, (2) vowel contexts, and (3) age groups. Two distinct acoustic energies from the mouth and nose were recorded during speech production (/pamap, pimip, pumup/) using two microphones to obtain the absolute and proportional measurements on the acoustic temporal characteristics of nasalization. Twenty-eight normal adults (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) and 28 normal children (14 American English and 14 Korean speakers) participated in this study. In both languages, adults showed shorter duration of nasalization than children within all three vowel contexts. The high vowel context revealed longer duration of nasalization than the low vowel context in both languages. There was no significant difference of temporal characteristics of nasalization between American English and Korean. Nasalization showed different timing characteristics between children and adults across vowel contexts. The results are discussed in association with developmental coarticulation and the relationship between acoustic consequences of articulatory events and vowel height.     

Vowel normalization for accent: an investigation of best exemplar locations in northern and southern British English sentences

Two experiments investigated whether listeners change their vowel categorization decisions to adjust to different accents of British English. Listeners from different regions of England gave goodness ratings on synthesized vowels embedded in natural carrier sentences that were spoken with either a northern or southern English accent. A computer minimization algorithm adjusted F1, F2, F3, and duration on successive trials according to listeners' goodness ratings, until the best exemplar of each vowel was found. The results demonstrated that most listeners adjusted their vowel categorization decisions based on the accent of the carrier sentence. The patterns of perceptual normalization were affected by individual differences in language background (e.g., whether the individuals grew up in the north or south of England), and were linked to the changes in production that speakers typically make due to sociolinguistic factors when living in multidialectal environments.     

Effects of consonantal context on perceptual assimilation of American English vowels by Japanese listeners

This study investigated the extent to which adult Japanese listeners' perceived phonetic similarity of American English (AE) and Japanese (J) vowels varied with consonantal context. Four AE speakers produced multiple instances of the 11 AE vowels in six syllabic contexts /b-b, b-p, d-d, d-t, g-g, g-k/ embedded in a short carrier sentence. Twenty-four native speakers of Japanese were asked to categorize each vowel utterance as most similar to one of 18 Japanese categories [five one-mora vowels, five two-mora vowels, plus/ei, ou/ and one-mora and two-mora vowels in palatalized consonant CV syllables, C(j)a(a), C(j)u(u), C(j)o(o)]. They then rated the "category goodness" of the AE vowel to the selected Japanese category on a seven-point scale. None of the 11 AE vowels was assimilated unanimously to a single J response category in all context/speaker conditions; consistency in selecting a single response category ranged from 77% for /eI/ to only 32% for /ae/. Median ratings of category goodness for modal response categories were somewhat restricted overall, ranging from 5 to 3. Results indicated that temporal assimilation patterns (judged similarity to one-mora versus two-mora Japanese categories) differed as a function of the voicing of the final consonant, especially for the AE vowels, /see text/. Patterns of spectral assimilation (judged similarity to the five J vowel qualities) of /see text/ also varied systematically with consonantal context and speakers. On the basis of these results, it was predicted that relative difficulty in the identification and discrimination of AE vowels by Japanese speakers would vary significantly as a function of the contexts in which they were produced and presented.     

Cross-language acoustic similarity predicts perceptual assimilation of Canadian English and Canadian French vowels

Monolingual Peruvian Spanish listeners identified natural tokens of the Canadian French (CF) and Canadian English (CE) /?/ and /?/, produced in five consonantal contexts. The results demonstrate that while the CF vowels were mapped to two different native vowels, /e/ and /a/, in all consonantal contexts, the CE contrast was mapped to the single native vowel /a/ in four out of five contexts. Linear discriminant analysis revealed that acoustic similarity between native and target language vowels was a very good predictor of context-specific perceptual mappings. Predictions are made for Spanish learners of the /?/-/?/ contrast in CF and CE.     

The effects of cross-generational and cross-dialectal variation on vowel identification and classification

Cross-generational and cross-dialectal variation in vowels among speakers of American English was examined in terms of vowel identification by listeners and vowel classification using pattern recognition. Listeners from Western North Carolina and Southeastern Wisconsin identified 12 vowel categories produced by 120 speakers stratified by age (old adults, young adults, and children), gender, and dialect. The vowels /?, o, ?, u/ were well identified by both groups of listeners. The majority of confusions were for the front /i, ?, e, ?, ?/, the low back /ɑ, ?/ and the monophthongal North Carolina /a?/. For selected vowels, generational differences in acoustic vowel characteristics were perceptually salient, suggesting listeners' responsiveness to sound change. Female exemplars and native-dialect variants produced higher identification rates. Linear discriminant analyses which examined dialect and generational classification accuracy showed that sampling the formant pattern at vowel midpoint only is insufficient to separate the vowels. Two sample points near onset and offset provided enough information for successful classification. The models trained on one dialect classified the vowels from the other dialect with much lower accuracy. The results strongly support the importance of dynamic information in accurate classification of cross-generational and cross-dialectal variations.     

Across-talker effects on non-native listeners' vowel perception in noise

This study explored how across-talker differences influence non-native vowel perception. American English (AE) and Korean listeners were presented with recordings of 10 AE vowels in /bVd/ context. The stimuli were mixed with noise and presented for identification in a 10-alternative forced-choice task. The two listener groups heard recordings of the vowels produced by 10 talkers at three signal-to-noise ratios. Overall the AE listeners identified the vowels 22% more accurately than the Korean listeners. There was a wide range of identification accuracy scores across talkers for both AE and Korean listeners. At each signal-to-noise ratio, the across-talker intelligibility scores were highly correlated for AE and Korean listeners. Acoustic analysis was conducted for 2 vowel pairs that exhibited variable accuracy across talkers for Korean listeners but high identification accuracy for AE listeners. Results demonstrated that Korean listeners' error patterns for these four vowels were strongly influenced by variability in vowel production that was within the normal range for AE talkers. These results suggest that non-native listeners are strongly influenced by across-talker variability perhaps because of the difficulty they have forming native-like vowel categories.     

Native dialect matters: perceptual assimilation of Dutch vowels by Czech listeners

Naive listeners' perceptual assimilations of non-native vowels to first-language (L1) categories can predict difficulties in the acquisition of second-language vowel systems. This study demonstrates that listeners having two slightly different dialects as their L1s can differ in the perception of foreign vowels. Specifically, the study shows that Bohemian Czech and Moravian Czech listeners assimilate Dutch high front vowels differently to L1 categories. Consequently, the listeners are predicted to follow different paths in acquiring these Dutch vowels. These findings underscore the importance of carefully considering the specific dialect background of participants in foreign- and second-language speech perception studies.     

Acoustic and perceptual correlates of the non-nasal--nasal distinction for vowels

For each of five vowels [i e a o u] following [t], a continuum from non-nasal to nasal was synthesized. Nasalization was introduced by inserting a pole-zero pair in the vicinity of the first formant in an all-pole transfer function. The frequencies and spacing of the pole and zero were systematically varied to change the degree of nasalization. The selection of stimulus parameters was determined from acoustic theory and the results of pilot experiments. The stimuli were presented for identification and discrimination to listeners whose language included a non-nasal--nasal vowel opposition (Gujarati, Hindi, and Bengali) and to American listeners. There were no significant differences between language groups in the 50% crossover points of the identification functions. Some vowels were more influenced by range and context effects than were others. The language groups showed some differences in the shape of the discrimination functions for some vowels. On the basis of the results, it is postulated that (1) there is a basic acoustic property of nasality, independent of the vowel, to which the auditory system responds in a distinctive way regardless of language background; and (2) there are one or more additional acoustic properties that may be used to various degrees in different languages to enhance the contrast between a nasal vowel and its non-nasal congener. A proposed candidate for the basic acoustic property is a measure of the degree of prominence of the spectral peak in the vicinity of the first formant. Additional secondary properties include shifts in the center of gravity of the low-frequency spectral prominence, leading to a change in perceived vowel height, and changes in overall spectral balance.     

Perception of silent-center syllables by native and non-native English speakers

The amount of acoustic information that native and non-native listeners need for syllable identification was investigated by comparing the performance of monolingual English speakers and native Spanish speakers with either an earlier or a later age of immersion in an English-speaking environment. Duration-preserved silent-center syllables retaining 10, 20, 30, or 40 ms of the consonant-vowel and vowel-consonant transitions were created for the target vowels /i, I, eI, epsilon, ae/ and /a/, spoken by two males in /bVb/ context. Duration-neutral syllables were created by editing the silent portion to equate the duration of all vowels. Listeners identified the syllables in a six-alternative forced-choice task. The earlier learners identified the whole-word and 40 ms duration-preserved syllables as accurately as the monolingual listeners, but identified the silent-center syllables significantly less accurately overall. Only the monolingual listener group identified syllables significantly more accurately in the duration-preserved than in the duration-neutral condition, suggesting that the non-native listeners were unable to recover from the syllable disruption sufficiently to access the duration cues in the silent-center syllables. This effect was most pronounced for the later learners, who also showed the most vowel confusions and the greatest decrease in performance from the whole word to the 40 ms transition condition.     

Training English listeners to perceive phonemic length contrasts in Japanese

The present study investigated the extent to which native English listeners' perception of Japanese length contrasts can be modified with perceptual training, and how their performance is affected by factors that influence segment duration, which is a primary correlate of Japanese length contrasts. Listeners were trained in a minimal-pair identification paradigm with feedback, using isolated words contrasting in vowel length, produced at a normal speaking rate. Experiment 1 tested listeners using stimuli varying in speaking rate, presentation context (in isolation versus embedded in carrier sentences), and type of length contrast. Experiment 2 examined whether performance varied by the position of the contrast within the word, and by whether the test talkers were professionally trained or not. Results did not show that trained listeners improved overall performance to a greater extent than untrained control participants. Training improved perception of trained contrast types, generalized to nonprofessional talkers' productions, and improved performance in difficult within-word positions. However, training did not enable listeners to cope with speaking rate variation, and did not generalize to untrained contrast types. These results suggest that perceptual training improves non-native listeners' perception of Japanese length contrasts only to a limited extent.     

Native Italian speakers' perception and production of English vowels

This study examined the production and perception of English vowels by highly experienced native Italian speakers of English. The subjects were selected on the basis of the age at which they arrived in Canada and began to learn English, and how much they continued to use Italian. Vowel production accuracy was assessed through an intelligibility test in which native English-speaking listeners attempted to identify vowels spoken by the native Italian subjects. Vowel perception was assessed using a categorial discrimination test. The later in life the native Italian subjects began to learn English, the less accurately they produced and perceived English vowels. Neither of two groups of early Italian/English bilinguals differed significantly from native speakers of English either for production or perception. This finding is consistent with the hypothesis of the speech learning model [Flege, in Speech Perception and Linguistic Experience: Theoretical and Methodological Issues (York, Timonium, MD, 1995)] that early bilinguals establish new categories for vowels found in the second language (L2). The significant correlation observed to exist between the measures of L2 vowel production and perception is consistent with another hypothesis of the speech learning model, viz., that the accuracy with which L2 vowels are produced is limited by how accurately they are perceived.     

First-language phonotactics in second-language listening

Highly proficient German users of English as a second language, and native speakers of American English, listened to nonsense sequences and responded whenever they detected an embedded English word. The responses of both groups were equivalently facilitated by preceding context that both by English and by German phonotactic constraints forced a boundary at word onset (e.g., lecture was easier to detect in moinlecture than in gorklecture, and wish in yarlwish than in plookwish). The American L1 speakers' responses were strongly facilitated, and the German listeners' responses almost as strongly facilitated, by contexts that forced a boundary in English but not in German (thrarshlecture, glarshwish). The German listeners' responses were significantly facilitated also by contexts that forced a boundary in German but not in English (moycelecture, loitwish), while L1 listeners were sensitive to acoustic boundary cues in these materials but not to the phonotactic sequences. The pattern of results suggests that proficient L2 listeners can acquire the phonotactic probabilities of an L2 and use them to good effect in segmenting continuous speech, but at the same time they may not be able to prevent interference from L1 constraints in their L2 listening.